西方和日本如何在俄罗斯内战的结束中发挥重要作用
正文翻译
One hundred years ago, on October 25, 1922, the Russian Civil War drew to a close. It was on that day that the Provisional Priamurye Government in the Russian Far East, the last anti-Bolshevik Russian state enclave, ceased to exist.
The remnants of the White movement left Vladivostok. By that time, the territory of the former Russian Empire was almost entirely controlled by the Bolsheviks, although islands of resistance continued popping up sporadically in various parts of the country for several more years.
一百年前，1922年10月25日，俄国内战宣告结束。就在这一天，俄罗斯远东地区最后一块反布尔什维克的国家飞地——临时普里阿穆雷政府不复存在。
白军的残余离开了符拉迪沃斯托克。到那时，前俄罗斯帝国的领土几乎完全被布尔什维克所控制，尽管在接下来的几年里，抵抗的岛屿继续在全国各地零星地出现。
Invaders enter Arkhangelsk, 1918.
1918年入侵者进入阿尔汉格尔斯克。
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（American soldiers from the 31st Infantry marching near Vladivostok Russia.）
美国第31步兵团士兵在俄罗斯符拉迪沃斯托克附近行军。
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（Ataman G. M. Semenov with representatives of the American mission headed by W. Graves. Vladivostok.）
阿塔曼·G·M·塞门诺夫和W·格雷夫斯率领的美国代表团代表。符拉迪沃斯托克。
At the same time, the Japanese clearly did not seek to unite with the White forces in order to defeat the Bolsheviks. While they supported Semenov, they were extremely hostile to Kolchak. This animosity also manifested itself in their relations with the Russian commanders. One witness to the Civil War in Siberia, the Latvian writer Arved Shvabe, noted:
“Sometimes, the Japanese approved territorial uprisings directed against Kolchak in order to weaken his position.”
By the beginning of 1920, all of the Allied expeditionary forces had withdrawn from the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). Only the Japanese remained, hoping they could still get something for their trouble. In order to rid themselves of the Japanese, the Bolsheviks turned to a diplomatic trick. A significant part of the region was proclaimed to be a completely independent state called the Far Eastern Republic (FER), which was not designated as a socialist state. In fact, Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks worked side by side with the Bolsheviks in local government there.
与此同时，日本人显然并没有为了击败布尔什维克而寻求与白军联合。虽然他们支持塞门诺夫，但他们对高尔察克极为敌视。这种敌意也表现在他们与俄国指挥官的关系上。西伯利亚内战的目击者之一，拉脱维亚作家阿尔维德·什瓦比指出:
“有时，日本人会批准针对高尔察克的领土起义，以削弱他的地位。”
到1920年初，所有盟军远征军都从俄罗斯苏维埃联邦社会主义共和国撤出。只有日本人留了下来，希望他们还能得到一些补偿。为了摆脱日本人，布尔什维克采取了一种外交策略。该地区的很大一部分被宣布为完全独立的国家，称为远东共和国，而不是被指定为社会主义国家。事实上，社会革命者和孟什维克在当地政府中与布尔什维克并肩工作。
（Japanese officers in Vladivostok with local commander Lieutenant-General Rozanov.）
日本军官在符拉迪沃斯托克与当地指挥官罗扎诺夫中将。
One hundred years ago, on October 25, 1922, the Russian Civil War drew to a close. It was on that day that the Provisional Priamurye Government in the Russian Far East, the last anti-Bolshevik Russian state enclave, ceased to exist.
The remnants of the White movement left Vladivostok. By that time, the territory of the former Russian Empire was almost entirely controlled by the Bolsheviks, although islands of resistance continued popping up sporadically in various parts of the country for several more years.
一百年前，1922年10月25日，俄国内战宣告结束。就在这一天，俄罗斯远东地区最后一块反布尔什维克的国家飞地——临时普里阿穆雷政府不复存在。
白军的残余离开了符拉迪沃斯托克。到那时，前俄罗斯帝国的领土几乎完全被布尔什维克所控制，尽管在接下来的几年里，抵抗的岛屿继续在全国各地零星地出现。
The Russian Civil War wasn't similar to other such conflicts that most people know. Unlike the American Civil War fought between the Northern and Southern states or the Spanish Civil War between the Francoist forces and the Republicans, the fighting in Russia was not simply a standoff between two uncompromising sides. The opponents of the Bolsheviks, which were collectively known as the ‘Whites’, were unable to present a united front against the ‘Reds’ due to discord within their own ranks. Moreover, separatists who were active on the periphery and generally leaned towards the Communists often intervened in the confrontation between the main warring groups and factions, which were the Bolsheviks, Monarchists, Februarists, Mensheviks, Socialists, Anarchists and other scattered forces adhering to various ideologies.
俄罗斯内战与大多数人所知的其他冲突不同。与美国南北两州之间的内战，或弗朗索瓦派军队与共和党之间的西班牙内战不同，俄罗斯的战争不仅仅是两方毫不妥协的对峙。布尔什维克的反对者被统称为“白军”，由于他们内部的不和，他们无法形成统一战线对抗“红军”。
此外，活跃在外围并普遍倾向于共产党的分离主义者经常干预主要交战集团和派别之间的对抗，这些主要交战集团和派别是布尔什维克、君主主义者、二月主义者、孟什维克、社会主义者、无政府主义者和其他坚持不同意识形态的分散势力。
俄罗斯内战与大多数人所知的其他冲突不同。与美国南北两州之间的内战，或弗朗索瓦派军队与共和党之间的西班牙内战不同，俄罗斯的战争不仅仅是两方毫不妥协的对峙。布尔什维克的反对者被统称为“白军”，由于他们内部的不和，他们无法形成统一战线对抗“红军”。
此外，活跃在外围并普遍倾向于共产党的分离主义者经常干预主要交战集团和派别之间的对抗，这些主要交战集团和派别是布尔什维克、君主主义者、二月主义者、孟什维克、社会主义者、无政府主义者和其他坚持不同意识形态的分散势力。
The theater of the Russian Civil War looked very much like a blood-covered patchwork quilt on fire, with short-lived state entities appearing now and then across the vast expanse of the country. It was an ‘all-against-all’ kind of warfare, with numerous coalitions and alliances formed and then disbanded time and again. As this was happening, however, the Bolsheviks claimed more and more Russian territory.
And the Allied interventions – coming from states that had previously been friendly with the Russian Empire and were even supposed to help it crush the Bolshevik regime – took place right in the middle of all that bloody chaos. But instead of supporting Tsarist Russia, their course of action ended up serving the Bolsheviks’ goals.
俄国内战的战场看起来就像一床沾满鲜血的拼布床单着火了，短命的政府实体不时出现在广袤的国土上。这是一场“各自为战”的战争，有无数的联合和联盟形成，然后再次解散。然而，就在这个过程中，布尔什维克占领了越来越多的俄罗斯领土。
而同盟国的干预——来自于之前与俄罗斯帝国关系友好的国家，甚至被认为可以帮助俄罗斯推翻布尔什维克政权——就发生在血腥的混乱之中。但他们的行动并没有支持沙俄，而是最终为布尔什维克的目标服务。
And the Allied interventions – coming from states that had previously been friendly with the Russian Empire and were even supposed to help it crush the Bolshevik regime – took place right in the middle of all that bloody chaos. But instead of supporting Tsarist Russia, their course of action ended up serving the Bolsheviks’ goals.
俄国内战的战场看起来就像一床沾满鲜血的拼布床单着火了，短命的政府实体不时出现在广袤的国土上。这是一场“各自为战”的战争，有无数的联合和联盟形成，然后再次解散。然而，就在这个过程中，布尔什维克占领了越来越多的俄罗斯领土。
而同盟国的干预——来自于之前与俄罗斯帝国关系友好的国家，甚至被认为可以帮助俄罗斯推翻布尔什维克政权——就发生在血腥的混乱之中。但他们的行动并没有支持沙俄，而是最终为布尔什维克的目标服务。
RT looks back at how the global community exploited the country's weakness and, instead of trying to disrupt the formation of a state that would later evolve into one of its bitterest enemies, on the ruins of imperial Russia, did its best to facilitate the process.
It all started with foreigners
It’s probably no coincidence that the official start date of the Russian Civil War is identified by many historians as the revolt of the Czechoslovak Legion – on May 17, 1918 – even though by that time hostilities had already been going in the south for a few months.
The Czechoslovak Legion was a volunteer armed force with the Russian Imperial Army composed predominantly of Czechs and Slovaks fighting on the side of the Entente powers during World War I. In the fall of 1917, the Russian Provisional Government granted the group permission to increase its force by enlisting Czech and Slovak prisoners of war and deserters from the Austro-Hungarian Army, many of whom wished to fight the Austro-Hungarian Empire for the independence of their homelands and gladly joined the Russians.
RT回顾了国际社会是如何利用这个国家的弱点，而不是试图破坏这个后来在俄罗斯帝国废墟上发展成为其死敌之一的国家的形成，而是尽最大努力促进这一过程的。
这一切都始于外国人
许多历史学家将俄罗斯内战的正式开始日期确定为1918年5月17日的捷克斯洛伐克军团起义，这可能不是巧合，尽管那时南方的敌对行动已经持续了几个月。
捷克斯洛伐克军团是一支志愿军，在第一次世界大战中，主要由捷克人和斯洛伐克人组成的俄国帝国军队为协约国而战。1917年秋，俄国临时政府批准该组织通过招募捷克和斯洛伐克战俘以及奥匈军队的逃兵来增加兵力，其中许多人希望为祖国的独立与奥匈帝国作战，并欣然加入俄国人的行列。
It all started with foreigners
It’s probably no coincidence that the official start date of the Russian Civil War is identified by many historians as the revolt of the Czechoslovak Legion – on May 17, 1918 – even though by that time hostilities had already been going in the south for a few months.
The Czechoslovak Legion was a volunteer armed force with the Russian Imperial Army composed predominantly of Czechs and Slovaks fighting on the side of the Entente powers during World War I. In the fall of 1917, the Russian Provisional Government granted the group permission to increase its force by enlisting Czech and Slovak prisoners of war and deserters from the Austro-Hungarian Army, many of whom wished to fight the Austro-Hungarian Empire for the independence of their homelands and gladly joined the Russians.
RT回顾了国际社会是如何利用这个国家的弱点，而不是试图破坏这个后来在俄罗斯帝国废墟上发展成为其死敌之一的国家的形成，而是尽最大努力促进这一过程的。
这一切都始于外国人
许多历史学家将俄罗斯内战的正式开始日期确定为1918年5月17日的捷克斯洛伐克军团起义，这可能不是巧合，尽管那时南方的敌对行动已经持续了几个月。
捷克斯洛伐克军团是一支志愿军，在第一次世界大战中，主要由捷克人和斯洛伐克人组成的俄国帝国军队为协约国而战。1917年秋，俄国临时政府批准该组织通过招募捷克和斯洛伐克战俘以及奥匈军队的逃兵来增加兵力，其中许多人希望为祖国的独立与奥匈帝国作战，并欣然加入俄国人的行列。
The decision backfired after the October Revolution ended the Provisional Government and the Bolsheviks moved to sign a separate peace treaty with the Central Powers, thus effectively undoing a lot of the Russian Empire’s achievements of the previous decades. The Czechs hurried to denounce the new revolution and declare their support for the deposed government.
Thus, formally, the Czechs turned against the Bolsheviks, but it became clear over the course of the conflict that they were primarily fighting for themselves rather than for any other cause.
First, the Czechoslovak Legion was swiftly reassigned to the command of Paris and effectively became a part of the French army. Second, one of the founders and leaders of the Legion, Tomas Masaryk, who was also the future first president of Czechoslovakia, was actively involved in negotiations with all parties to the Russian Civil War. He abstained from siding with the White movement, tried to forge a relationship with the Bolsheviks and even allowed Communist propaganda in the Legion’s units.
十月革命结束了临时政府，布尔什维克与同盟国签署了单独的和平条约，这一决定产生了事与愿违的效果，从而有效地毁掉了俄罗斯帝国在过去几十年取得的许多成就。捷克人匆忙谴责新革命，并宣布支持被废黜的政府。
因此，在形式上，捷克人开始反对布尔什维克，但在冲突的过程中，很明显，他们主要是为自己而战，而不是为其他任何事业。
首先，捷克斯洛伐克军团很快被重新分配到巴黎的指挥权，实际上成为法国军队的一部分。第二，军团的创始人和领导人之一，托马斯·马萨里克，他也是捷克斯洛伐克未来的第一任总统，积极参与了与俄罗斯内战各方的谈判。他没有站在白军一边，试图与布尔什维克建立关系，甚至允许共产主义在军团部队中进行宣传。
Thus, formally, the Czechs turned against the Bolsheviks, but it became clear over the course of the conflict that they were primarily fighting for themselves rather than for any other cause.
First, the Czechoslovak Legion was swiftly reassigned to the command of Paris and effectively became a part of the French army. Second, one of the founders and leaders of the Legion, Tomas Masaryk, who was also the future first president of Czechoslovakia, was actively involved in negotiations with all parties to the Russian Civil War. He abstained from siding with the White movement, tried to forge a relationship with the Bolsheviks and even allowed Communist propaganda in the Legion’s units.
十月革命结束了临时政府，布尔什维克与同盟国签署了单独的和平条约，这一决定产生了事与愿违的效果，从而有效地毁掉了俄罗斯帝国在过去几十年取得的许多成就。捷克人匆忙谴责新革命，并宣布支持被废黜的政府。
因此，在形式上，捷克人开始反对布尔什维克，但在冲突的过程中，很明显，他们主要是为自己而战，而不是为其他任何事业。
首先，捷克斯洛伐克军团很快被重新分配到巴黎的指挥权，实际上成为法国军队的一部分。第二，军团的创始人和领导人之一，托马斯·马萨里克，他也是捷克斯洛伐克未来的第一任总统，积极参与了与俄罗斯内战各方的谈判。他没有站在白军一边，试图与布尔什维克建立关系，甚至允许共产主义在军团部队中进行宣传。
The Legion, which was stationed at the time on the territory of modern Ukraine, was eager to leave Russia for France, but that plan was foiled by the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which ceded a large chunk of the Russian Empire’s western lands, including Crimea and present-day Ukraine, to Germany. The Czechoslovak Legion had to retreat eastward in a hurry.
Masaryk decided that the Legion should travel to the Pacific port of Vladivostok and even negotiated a deal with the Bolshevik authorities. Tensions continued to mount, however, as each side distrusted the other, and ultimately the Legion had to fight its way to the Pacific along the Trans-Siberian Railway, refusing to surrender its weapons to the Reds or to deal with them in any way – until they had no choice.
当时驻扎在现代乌克兰境内的军团渴望离开俄罗斯前往法国，但这一计划被《布列斯特-立托夫斯克条约》挫败，该条约将俄罗斯帝国西部的大片土地割让给了德国，包括克里米亚和今天的乌克兰。捷克斯洛伐克军团不得不匆忙向东撤退。
马萨里克决定军团应该前往太平洋港口符拉迪沃斯托克，甚至与布尔什维克当局谈判达成协议。然而，由于双方互不信任，紧张局势继续升级，最终军团不得不沿着西伯利亚大铁路一路奋战到太平洋，拒绝向红军交出武器，也拒绝以任何方式对付红军——直到他们别无选择。
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Masaryk decided that the Legion should travel to the Pacific port of Vladivostok and even negotiated a deal with the Bolshevik authorities. Tensions continued to mount, however, as each side distrusted the other, and ultimately the Legion had to fight its way to the Pacific along the Trans-Siberian Railway, refusing to surrender its weapons to the Reds or to deal with them in any way – until they had no choice.
当时驻扎在现代乌克兰境内的军团渴望离开俄罗斯前往法国，但这一计划被《布列斯特-立托夫斯克条约》挫败，该条约将俄罗斯帝国西部的大片土地割让给了德国，包括克里米亚和今天的乌克兰。捷克斯洛伐克军团不得不匆忙向东撤退。
马萨里克决定军团应该前往太平洋港口符拉迪沃斯托克，甚至与布尔什维克当局谈判达成协议。然而，由于双方互不信任，紧张局势继续升级，最终军团不得不沿着西伯利亚大铁路一路奋战到太平洋，拒绝向红军交出武器，也拒绝以任何方式对付红军——直到他们别无选择。
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Treachery of the Allies
The Czechoslovaks easily foiled all attempts to disarm them and kept capturing towns along their route. Everywhere they went, Whites from the Siberian regions joined them. Also, they were able to seize the Russian Empire’s gold reserve.
However, there were fewer and fewer battles for the Legion to take part in. By autumn, the war with Germany was over and the Czechs had won their independence – an event that, paradoxically, depleted their morale: the soldiers could think of nothing else but returning to their homeland. In 1919, they hardly did any fighting at all – instead, they went on a looting spree. As they were in control of the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Czechs would routinely stop trains, rob everyone on board and 'empty' the train cars of refugees. This eventually earned them their nickname, ‘Czechosobaks’ (which in Russian literally means ‘Czechoslovak dogs’).
盟军的背叛
捷克斯洛伐克人轻而易举地挫败了所有解除他们武装的企图，并不断占领沿途的城镇。无论他们走到哪里，西伯利亚地区的白军都加入了他们。此外，他们就能攫取俄罗斯帝国的黄金储备。然而，军团参加的战斗越来越少。到了秋天，与德国的战争结束了，捷克人赢得了独立——矛盾的是，这一事件耗尽了他们的士气:士兵们一心只想着返回家园。1919年，他们几乎没有进行任何战斗——相反，他们大肆抢劫。由于捷克人控制了西伯利亚大铁路，他们经常拦下火车，抢劫车上的每一个人，“清空”车厢里的难民。这最终为他们赢得了“Czechosobaks”的绰号（在俄语中的字面意思是“捷克斯洛伐克狗”）。
The Czechoslovaks easily foiled all attempts to disarm them and kept capturing towns along their route. Everywhere they went, Whites from the Siberian regions joined them. Also, they were able to seize the Russian Empire’s gold reserve.
However, there were fewer and fewer battles for the Legion to take part in. By autumn, the war with Germany was over and the Czechs had won their independence – an event that, paradoxically, depleted their morale: the soldiers could think of nothing else but returning to their homeland. In 1919, they hardly did any fighting at all – instead, they went on a looting spree. As they were in control of the Trans-Siberian Railway, the Czechs would routinely stop trains, rob everyone on board and 'empty' the train cars of refugees. This eventually earned them their nickname, ‘Czechosobaks’ (which in Russian literally means ‘Czechoslovak dogs’).
盟军的背叛
捷克斯洛伐克人轻而易举地挫败了所有解除他们武装的企图，并不断占领沿途的城镇。无论他们走到哪里，西伯利亚地区的白军都加入了他们。此外，他们就能攫取俄罗斯帝国的黄金储备。然而，军团参加的战斗越来越少。到了秋天，与德国的战争结束了，捷克人赢得了独立——矛盾的是，这一事件耗尽了他们的士气:士兵们一心只想着返回家园。1919年，他们几乎没有进行任何战斗——相反，他们大肆抢劫。由于捷克人控制了西伯利亚大铁路，他们经常拦下火车，抢劫车上的每一个人，“清空”车厢里的难民。这最终为他们赢得了“Czechosobaks”的绰号（在俄语中的字面意思是“捷克斯洛伐克狗”）。
One of the victims of the Czechs’ tyranny on the railroad was the White movement's most prominent figure, Alexander Kolchak, who had been named supreme ruler of Russia not long before. His train was repeatedly stopped by the Czechs in late 1919, until it ended up in the town of Nizhneudinsk. At that time, in the neighboring city of Irkutsk, a leftist group that included Socialist-Revolutionaries and Mensheviks established a political group called the Political Center, which demanded that Kolchak hand over power to Anton Denikin. Kolchak was then promised safe passage, but his personal guards were to be replaced by Czechoslovaks. Admiral Kolchak accepted these conditions, but that did not save him from eventually being executed. On January 15, 1920, the Czechoslovaks turned Kolchak over to the Political Center, and the Socialist-Revolutionaries threw him into prison.
捷克人在铁路上的暴政的受害者之一是白军中最杰出的人物亚历山大·高尔察克，他此前不久刚刚被任命为俄罗斯的最高统治者。1919年底，他的火车多次被捷克人截停，直到最后停在了下兹内丁斯克镇。当时，在邻近的伊尔库茨克，一个包括社会主义革命派和孟什维克在内的左翼团体成立了一个名为“政治中心”的政治团体，要求高尔察克将权力移交给安东·丹尼金。高尔察克随后得到了安全通过的承诺，但他的私人警卫将由捷克斯洛伐克人取代。高尔察克上将接受了这些条件，但这并没有使他免于最终被处决。1920年1月15日，捷克斯洛伐克将高尔察克移交给政治中心，社会主义革命党将他投入监狱。
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捷克人在铁路上的暴政的受害者之一是白军中最杰出的人物亚历山大·高尔察克，他此前不久刚刚被任命为俄罗斯的最高统治者。1919年底，他的火车多次被捷克人截停，直到最后停在了下兹内丁斯克镇。当时，在邻近的伊尔库茨克，一个包括社会主义革命派和孟什维克在内的左翼团体成立了一个名为“政治中心”的政治团体，要求高尔察克将权力移交给安东·丹尼金。高尔察克随后得到了安全通过的承诺，但他的私人警卫将由捷克斯洛伐克人取代。高尔察克上将接受了这些条件，但这并没有使他免于最终被处决。1920年1月15日，捷克斯洛伐克将高尔察克移交给政治中心，社会主义革命党将他投入监狱。
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After an attempt by White forces loyal to Kolchak to recapture the former supreme ruler in Irkutsk, the interventionists behind the Czechs announced that they were prepared to fire upon the Whites to prevent Kolchak from escaping. To prove that their intentions were serious, the former Entente allies disarmed several units of the White Guardsmen.
As early as January 21, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks surrendered power in Irkutsk to the Bolsheviks. The latter interrogated the admiral and sentenced him to execution by firing squad.
The handing over of Kolchak to the Bolsheviks was, in a way, the foreign legion's 'payment' for a chance to safely leave Russia. With the prisoner in their custody, the Bolsheviks promptly began negotiations with the Czechoslovaks. The two sides exchanged detainees and the Central Europeans promised to return the gold reserves to the Soviets as soon the last foreign soldier left Irkutsk. In September 1920, the last servicemen of the Czechoslovak corps left Vladivostok aboard the US Army Transport ship Heffron.
在忠于高尔察克的白军试图在伊尔库茨克夺回这位前最高统治者后，捷克背后的干涉主义者宣布，他们准备向白军开火，以阻止高尔察克逃跑。为了证明他们的意图是认真的，前协约国盟军缴械了几支白卫军。
早在1月21日，社会主义革命党和孟什维克党就在伊尔库茨克向布尔什维克投降。后者审问了这位海军上将，并判处他由行刑队处决。
在某种程度上，将高尔察克移交给布尔什维克是外国军团换取安全离开俄罗斯机会的“报酬”。俘虏被关押后，布尔什维克迅速开始与捷克斯洛伐克谈判。双方交换了被关押者，中欧国家承诺，一旦最后一名外国士兵离开伊尔库茨克，就将黄金储备归还给苏联。1920年9月，捷克斯洛伐克军团的最后一批军人，乘坐美国陆军运输舰“赫弗伦”号离开符拉迪沃斯托克。
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As early as January 21, the Socialist-Revolutionaries and the Mensheviks surrendered power in Irkutsk to the Bolsheviks. The latter interrogated the admiral and sentenced him to execution by firing squad.
The handing over of Kolchak to the Bolsheviks was, in a way, the foreign legion's 'payment' for a chance to safely leave Russia. With the prisoner in their custody, the Bolsheviks promptly began negotiations with the Czechoslovaks. The two sides exchanged detainees and the Central Europeans promised to return the gold reserves to the Soviets as soon the last foreign soldier left Irkutsk. In September 1920, the last servicemen of the Czechoslovak corps left Vladivostok aboard the US Army Transport ship Heffron.
在忠于高尔察克的白军试图在伊尔库茨克夺回这位前最高统治者后，捷克背后的干涉主义者宣布，他们准备向白军开火，以阻止高尔察克逃跑。为了证明他们的意图是认真的，前协约国盟军缴械了几支白卫军。
早在1月21日，社会主义革命党和孟什维克党就在伊尔库茨克向布尔什维克投降。后者审问了这位海军上将，并判处他由行刑队处决。
在某种程度上，将高尔察克移交给布尔什维克是外国军团换取安全离开俄罗斯机会的“报酬”。俘虏被关押后，布尔什维克迅速开始与捷克斯洛伐克谈判。双方交换了被关押者，中欧国家承诺，一旦最后一名外国士兵离开伊尔库茨克，就将黄金储备归还给苏联。1920年9月，捷克斯洛伐克军团的最后一批军人，乘坐美国陆军运输舰“赫弗伦”号离开符拉迪沃斯托克。
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But that was not the end of the Czechs' involvement in the Russian Civil War.
Aliens in Russia’s north
The need to evacuate the legion was used to justify the Western intervention after Germany’s ultimate defeat. However, foreign troops had been on Russian territory several months before the end of World War I. Ostensibly, their presence was the result of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, although in actuality Russia’s ‘allies’ from the Entente had agreed on the occupation zones of the Russian Empire well before it was signed. The Bolsheviks’ peace treaty with Germany was just the catalyst to force the Allied powers to act more resolutely.
There was an attempt to justify the intervention by the need to establish an anti-German front in Russia with or without the cooperation of the Soviet government. The Allies were afraid that the Germans, who had landed in Finland, might be able to capture Murmansk and Arkhangelsk, Russia’s main northern ports, which also held military supplies.
但这并不是捷克卷入俄国内战的结束。
俄罗斯北部的盟友
在德国最终战败后，需要撤离军团被用来为西方的干预辩护。然而，外国军队在第一次世界大战结束前几个月就进入了俄罗斯领土。表面上看，他们的出现是《布列斯特-立托夫斯克条约》的结果，尽管实际上，协约国中的俄罗斯“盟友”在条约签署之前就同意了俄罗斯帝国的占领区。布尔什维克与德国的和平条约只是促使协约国采取更坚决行动的催化剂。
有人试图用在俄国建立反德阵线的需要来证明干预的正当性，不管有没有苏联政府的合作。盟军担心在芬兰登陆的德国人可能会占领摩尔曼斯克和阿尔汉格尔斯克，这两个俄罗斯北部的主要港口也有军事补给。
Aliens in Russia’s north
The need to evacuate the legion was used to justify the Western intervention after Germany’s ultimate defeat. However, foreign troops had been on Russian territory several months before the end of World War I. Ostensibly, their presence was the result of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, although in actuality Russia’s ‘allies’ from the Entente had agreed on the occupation zones of the Russian Empire well before it was signed. The Bolsheviks’ peace treaty with Germany was just the catalyst to force the Allied powers to act more resolutely.
There was an attempt to justify the intervention by the need to establish an anti-German front in Russia with or without the cooperation of the Soviet government. The Allies were afraid that the Germans, who had landed in Finland, might be able to capture Murmansk and Arkhangelsk, Russia’s main northern ports, which also held military supplies.
但这并不是捷克卷入俄国内战的结束。
俄罗斯北部的盟友
在德国最终战败后，需要撤离军团被用来为西方的干预辩护。然而，外国军队在第一次世界大战结束前几个月就进入了俄罗斯领土。表面上看，他们的出现是《布列斯特-立托夫斯克条约》的结果，尽管实际上，协约国中的俄罗斯“盟友”在条约签署之前就同意了俄罗斯帝国的占领区。布尔什维克与德国的和平条约只是促使协约国采取更坚决行动的催化剂。
有人试图用在俄国建立反德阵线的需要来证明干预的正当性，不管有没有苏联政府的合作。盟军担心在芬兰登陆的德国人可能会占领摩尔曼斯克和阿尔汉格尔斯克，这两个俄罗斯北部的主要港口也有军事补给。
The British reached out to the Bolsheviks and offered to land in Murmansk and take the city before the Germans could do so. In spite of the peace treaty, the Reds were indeed afraid of possible German advances, so they took London's offer while trying to maintain secrecy and shifting the responsibility to the local authorities.
After direct threats from Germany, the Bolsheviks realized they had made a mistake, but it was too late to try to push the Brits out. In the spring of 1918, 1,500 British troops were stationed in Russia’s north.
The subsequent landing of 9,000 more servicemen in Arkhangelsk was not coordinated with the Bolsheviks at all. Apart from the British, soldiers from other countries, including Italians, Serbs, and Americans, were involved in the operation.
英国人向布尔什维克伸出了橄榄枝，提出在摩尔曼斯克登陆，在德国人之前拿下这座城市。尽管签订了和平条约，但红军确实害怕德国可能的进攻，所以他们接受了伦敦的提议，同时试图保持秘密，并将责任转嫁给地方当局。
在德国的直接威胁下，布尔什维克意识到他们犯了一个错误，但想把英国人赶出去已经太晚了。1918年春，1500名英军驻扎在俄国北部。
随后在阿尔汉格尔斯克登陆的9000多名军人根本没有与布尔什维克协调。除了英国人，其他国家的士兵，包括意大利人、塞尔维亚人和美国人也参与了这次行动。
After direct threats from Germany, the Bolsheviks realized they had made a mistake, but it was too late to try to push the Brits out. In the spring of 1918, 1,500 British troops were stationed in Russia’s north.
The subsequent landing of 9,000 more servicemen in Arkhangelsk was not coordinated with the Bolsheviks at all. Apart from the British, soldiers from other countries, including Italians, Serbs, and Americans, were involved in the operation.
英国人向布尔什维克伸出了橄榄枝，提出在摩尔曼斯克登陆，在德国人之前拿下这座城市。尽管签订了和平条约，但红军确实害怕德国可能的进攻，所以他们接受了伦敦的提议，同时试图保持秘密，并将责任转嫁给地方当局。
在德国的直接威胁下，布尔什维克意识到他们犯了一个错误，但想把英国人赶出去已经太晚了。1918年春，1500名英军驻扎在俄国北部。
随后在阿尔汉格尔斯克登陆的9000多名军人根本没有与布尔什维克协调。除了英国人，其他国家的士兵，包括意大利人、塞尔维亚人和美国人也参与了这次行动。
Invaders enter Arkhangelsk, 1918.
1918年入侵者进入阿尔汉格尔斯克。
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The Red Army was helpless to thwart the landing and simply withdrew from the city before the Allied forces arrived. Enemies of the Bolshevik government led by Captain 2nd Rank Chaplin tried to exploit the situation, but, much to their disappointment, the British had their own plans for Arkhangelsk. They installed a leftist government headed by Nikolai Tchaikovsky, an English socialist with a long track record of socialist agitation.
The local officers were not pleased by such a turn of events, so they orchestrated a coup in September 1918 and arrested the leftwing politicians. The British intervened by freeing all of those who were jailed and removing the conspirators from Arkhangelsk.
Anti-Bolshevik forces in the sparsely populated northern regions lacked resources and struggled to feed their armies so, consequently, they had to depend on the interventionists, who had no intention of helping the Whites topple the Reds.
红军无力阻止登陆，在盟军到达之前撤出了这座城市。以卓别林上尉为首的布尔什维克政府的敌人试图利用这一局势，但令他们非常失望的是，英国人对阿尔汉格尔斯克有自己的计划。他们建立了一个由尼古拉·柴可夫斯基领导的左翼政府。柴可夫斯基是一个英国社会主义者，有长期煽动社会主义的记录。
当地官员对事态的转变很不高兴，所以他们在1918年9月策划了一场政变，逮捕了左翼政客。英国人进行了干预，释放了所有被监禁的人，并将同谋者赶出了阿尔汉格尔斯克。
在人口稀少的北方地区，反布尔什维克部队缺乏资源，难以养活军队，因此，他们不得不依赖干涉主义者，而干涉主义者无意帮助白军推翻红军。
The local officers were not pleased by such a turn of events, so they orchestrated a coup in September 1918 and arrested the leftwing politicians. The British intervened by freeing all of those who were jailed and removing the conspirators from Arkhangelsk.
Anti-Bolshevik forces in the sparsely populated northern regions lacked resources and struggled to feed their armies so, consequently, they had to depend on the interventionists, who had no intention of helping the Whites topple the Reds.
红军无力阻止登陆，在盟军到达之前撤出了这座城市。以卓别林上尉为首的布尔什维克政府的敌人试图利用这一局势，但令他们非常失望的是，英国人对阿尔汉格尔斯克有自己的计划。他们建立了一个由尼古拉·柴可夫斯基领导的左翼政府。柴可夫斯基是一个英国社会主义者，有长期煽动社会主义的记录。
当地官员对事态的转变很不高兴，所以他们在1918年9月策划了一场政变，逮捕了左翼政客。英国人进行了干预，释放了所有被监禁的人，并将同谋者赶出了阿尔汉格尔斯克。
在人口稀少的北方地区，反布尔什维克部队缺乏资源，难以养活军队，因此，他们不得不依赖干涉主义者，而干涉主义者无意帮助白军推翻红军。
Foreign troops spent the whole of 1918 stationed in Murmansk and Arkhangelsk without making any serious attempts at major inroads beyond pushing a few kilometers inside Russian territory.
After the end of World War I, even the Allied powers themselves had trouble figuring out what they were still doing in Russia, given that they were not actively fighting the Bolsheviks and lacked the power to do so. By 1919, the Red Army had become a formidable force that a few thousand foreign soldiers were no match for.
Ultimately, in September of that year, the Allied powers simply boarded their ships and left the region.
1918年，外国军队驻扎在摩尔曼斯克和阿尔汉格尔斯克，除了深入俄国境内几公里外，没有做任何重大的入侵尝试。
第一次世界大战结束后，就连同盟国自己也搞不清楚他们在俄罗斯到底在做什么，因为他们没有积极地与布尔什维克作战，也缺乏这样做的力量。到1919年，红军已经成为一支强大的力量，几千名外国士兵根本无法与之匹敌。
最终，在当年9月，盟军登上了他们的船只，离开了该地区。
After the end of World War I, even the Allied powers themselves had trouble figuring out what they were still doing in Russia, given that they were not actively fighting the Bolsheviks and lacked the power to do so. By 1919, the Red Army had become a formidable force that a few thousand foreign soldiers were no match for.
Ultimately, in September of that year, the Allied powers simply boarded their ships and left the region.
1918年，外国军队驻扎在摩尔曼斯克和阿尔汉格尔斯克，除了深入俄国境内几公里外，没有做任何重大的入侵尝试。
第一次世界大战结束后，就连同盟国自己也搞不清楚他们在俄罗斯到底在做什么，因为他们没有积极地与布尔什维克作战，也缺乏这样做的力量。到1919年，红军已经成为一支强大的力量，几千名外国士兵根本无法与之匹敌。
最终，在当年9月，盟军登上了他们的船只，离开了该地区。
Americans in Siberia
The intervention was much more active in the eastern part of Russia, through which the country’s main transport artery, the Trans-Siberian Railway, passed.
The Americans landed an expeditionary force dubbed ‘Siberia’ consisting of about 8,000 troops in Vladivostok in August of 1918. They immediately declared that they were completely neutral and gave assurances that they would not interfere in Russia’s internal affairs or provide support to either the Whites or Reds. While the British in the north were still engaging in political intrigues, the Americans claimed to be simply guarding the railway.
美国人在西伯利亚
在俄罗斯的主要交通要道西伯利亚大铁路经过的东部地区，干预行动要活跃得多。
1918年8月，一支名为“西伯利亚”的远征军在符拉迪沃斯托克登陆，这支远征军由大约8000人组成。他们立即宣布他们是完全中立的，并保证他们不会干涉俄国的内政，也不会向白军或红军提供支持。当北方的英国人还在搞政治阴谋时，美国人声称他们只是在守卫铁路。
The intervention was much more active in the eastern part of Russia, through which the country’s main transport artery, the Trans-Siberian Railway, passed.
The Americans landed an expeditionary force dubbed ‘Siberia’ consisting of about 8,000 troops in Vladivostok in August of 1918. They immediately declared that they were completely neutral and gave assurances that they would not interfere in Russia’s internal affairs or provide support to either the Whites or Reds. While the British in the north were still engaging in political intrigues, the Americans claimed to be simply guarding the railway.
美国人在西伯利亚
在俄罗斯的主要交通要道西伯利亚大铁路经过的东部地区，干预行动要活跃得多。
1918年8月，一支名为“西伯利亚”的远征军在符拉迪沃斯托克登陆，这支远征军由大约8000人组成。他们立即宣布他们是完全中立的，并保证他们不会干涉俄国的内政，也不会向白军或红军提供支持。当北方的英国人还在搞政治阴谋时，美国人声称他们只是在守卫铁路。
（American soldiers from the 31st Infantry marching near Vladivostok Russia.）
美国第31步兵团士兵在俄罗斯符拉迪沃斯托克附近行军。
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Perhaps the American mission would have been less upsetting for the locals had it not been headed by General William Graves, for whom the word ‘monarchist’ was a terrible curse word. Having no understanding of the local situation at all, he thought the Bolsheviks were something akin to America’s Founding Fathers and that they were fighting for freedom against tyranny, while he considered all Whites to be monarchists.
As a result, Graves sympathized with the Bolsheviks and put spokes in the wheels of the Whites. His relations with the latter's officers, who could see the American general’s actual deeds, were very strained. For example, in the fall of 1919, he blocked a shipment of weapons bought by Whites on the grounds that they allegedly wanted to attack him.
如果不是由威廉·格雷夫斯将军率领，也许美国的使团不会让当地人那么不安，因为对他来说，“君主主义者”这个词是一个可怕的诅咒词。他完全不了解当地的情况，认为布尔什维克与美国的开国元勋有某种相似之处，他们在为反对暴政的自由而战，而他认为所有白军都是君主主义者。
因此，格雷夫斯同情布尔什维克，并对白军施加压力。他与后者的军官们的关系非常紧张，后者可以看到这位美国将军的实际行为。例如，1919年秋天，他阻止了白军购买的一批武器，理由是据称他们想要袭击他。
As a result, Graves sympathized with the Bolsheviks and put spokes in the wheels of the Whites. His relations with the latter's officers, who could see the American general’s actual deeds, were very strained. For example, in the fall of 1919, he blocked a shipment of weapons bought by Whites on the grounds that they allegedly wanted to attack him.
如果不是由威廉·格雷夫斯将军率领，也许美国的使团不会让当地人那么不安，因为对他来说，“君主主义者”这个词是一个可怕的诅咒词。他完全不了解当地的情况，认为布尔什维克与美国的开国元勋有某种相似之处，他们在为反对暴政的自由而战，而他认为所有白军都是君主主义者。
因此，格雷夫斯同情布尔什维克，并对白军施加压力。他与后者的军官们的关系非常紧张，后者可以看到这位美国将军的实际行为。例如，1919年秋天，他阻止了白军购买的一批武器，理由是据称他们想要袭击他。
The manager of affairs in the Kolchak government, Georgy Gens, observed:
“In the Far East, the American expeditionary forces behaved in such a way that anti-Bolshevik circles became convinced that the United States did not want to see the triumph, but rather the defeat of the anti-Bolshevik government. They expressed sympathy for the partisans, as if encouraging them to take further action.”
In his opinion, “It was clear that the United States did not realize what the Bolsheviks were, and that the American general, Graves, was acting according to certain instructions.”
Another White leader, Ataman Grigory Semenov, recalled:
“Almost all the weapons and uniforms coming from America were transferred from Irkutsk to the Red partisans, and General Graves, an ardent opponent of the Omsk government, knew about this. The conduct of the Americans in Siberia was so hideous from a moral point of view and just in terms of basic decency that the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Omsk government, Sukin, being a great Americanophile, could barely hush up the scandal that had begun to erupt.”
高尔察克政府的事务主管乔治·根斯说:
“在远东，美国远征军的行为方式使反布尔什维克的圈子确信，美国并不想看到胜利，而是希望看到反布尔什维克政府的失败。他们对游击队表示同情，似乎鼓励他们采取进一步行动。”
在他看来，“很明显，美国没有意识到布尔什维克是什么，美国将军格雷夫斯是按照某些指示行事的。”
另一位白军领袖阿塔曼·格里高利·塞门诺夫回忆说:
“几乎所有来自美国的武器和制服都是从伊尔库茨克转移到红军手中的，格雷夫斯将军是鄂木斯克政府的强烈反对者，他知道这一点。美国人在西伯利亚的行为无论从道德角度还是从基本的礼仪角度来看都是如此丑恶，以至于鄂木斯克政府的外交部长苏金，作为一个伟大的亲美人士，几乎无法掩盖已经开始爆发的丑闻。”
“In the Far East, the American expeditionary forces behaved in such a way that anti-Bolshevik circles became convinced that the United States did not want to see the triumph, but rather the defeat of the anti-Bolshevik government. They expressed sympathy for the partisans, as if encouraging them to take further action.”
In his opinion, “It was clear that the United States did not realize what the Bolsheviks were, and that the American general, Graves, was acting according to certain instructions.”
Another White leader, Ataman Grigory Semenov, recalled:
“Almost all the weapons and uniforms coming from America were transferred from Irkutsk to the Red partisans, and General Graves, an ardent opponent of the Omsk government, knew about this. The conduct of the Americans in Siberia was so hideous from a moral point of view and just in terms of basic decency that the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Omsk government, Sukin, being a great Americanophile, could barely hush up the scandal that had begun to erupt.”
高尔察克政府的事务主管乔治·根斯说:
“在远东，美国远征军的行为方式使反布尔什维克的圈子确信，美国并不想看到胜利，而是希望看到反布尔什维克政府的失败。他们对游击队表示同情，似乎鼓励他们采取进一步行动。”
在他看来，“很明显，美国没有意识到布尔什维克是什么，美国将军格雷夫斯是按照某些指示行事的。”
另一位白军领袖阿塔曼·格里高利·塞门诺夫回忆说:
“几乎所有来自美国的武器和制服都是从伊尔库茨克转移到红军手中的，格雷夫斯将军是鄂木斯克政府的强烈反对者，他知道这一点。美国人在西伯利亚的行为无论从道德角度还是从基本的礼仪角度来看都是如此丑恶，以至于鄂木斯克政府的外交部长苏金，作为一个伟大的亲美人士，几乎无法掩盖已经开始爆发的丑闻。”
（Ataman G. M. Semenov with representatives of the American mission headed by W. Graves. Vladivostok.）
阿塔曼·G·M·塞门诺夫和W·格雷夫斯率领的美国代表团代表。符拉迪沃斯托克。
The Canadians also took a symbolic part in the intervention in Siberia. As subjects of the British crown, they sent a small expeditionary force, which mainly carried out police service in Vladivostok. It stayed in Russia for only six months before returning home in the spring of 1919.
Japanese adventurism
The only participant in the intervention that approached the issue in a serious way was Japan. According to various estimates, its army in the Russian Far East was 30,000-70,000-strong. In terms of numbers, the Japanese forces significantly outnumbered all of the other Allied contingents combined. In addition, the Japanese were the most adamant in insisting on the intervention – and they were also the last to leave. They were the only Allied country to take active part in actually fighting the local partisans themselves.
加拿大人也象征性地参与了对西伯利亚的干预。作为英国王室的臣民，他们派出了一支小型远征军，主要在符拉迪沃斯托克执行警察任务。它在俄罗斯只停留了6个月，就在1919年春天回到了祖国。
日本冒险主义
唯一认真对待这一问题的干预参与国是日本。根据各种估计，它在俄罗斯远东地区的军队有3万到7万人之多。就人数而言，日本军队的人数远远超过了其他所有盟军特遣队的总和。此外，日本人坚持干预的态度是最坚决的——他们也是最后离开的。他们是协约国中唯一积极参与打击当地游击队的国家。
Japanese adventurism
The only participant in the intervention that approached the issue in a serious way was Japan. According to various estimates, its army in the Russian Far East was 30,000-70,000-strong. In terms of numbers, the Japanese forces significantly outnumbered all of the other Allied contingents combined. In addition, the Japanese were the most adamant in insisting on the intervention – and they were also the last to leave. They were the only Allied country to take active part in actually fighting the local partisans themselves.
加拿大人也象征性地参与了对西伯利亚的干预。作为英国王室的臣民，他们派出了一支小型远征军，主要在符拉迪沃斯托克执行警察任务。它在俄罗斯只停留了6个月，就在1919年春天回到了祖国。
日本冒险主义
唯一认真对待这一问题的干预参与国是日本。根据各种估计，它在俄罗斯远东地区的军队有3万到7万人之多。就人数而言，日本军队的人数远远超过了其他所有盟军特遣队的总和。此外，日本人坚持干预的态度是最坚决的——他们也是最后离开的。他们是协约国中唯一积极参与打击当地游击队的国家。
However, Tokyo clearly hoped to snatch some of Russia’s territory, or at least create a pro-Japanese buffer state in the Far East.
For this reason, the allies had to constantly pull Tokyo back and tame its ambitions. The Japanese placed their hopes in Ataman Semenov, who could only be classified as ‘White’ because his detachments were fighting the Bolsheviks.
Unlike the Whites in the north and Siberia, who had to buy weapons and ammunition from the Allies (often even defective ones), Semenov received weapons from the Japanese in large quantities for nothing.
然而，日本显然希望攫取俄罗斯的部分领土，或者至少在远东建立一个亲日的缓冲国。
出于这个原因，同盟国不得不不断地把东京拉回来，遏制它的野心。日本人把希望寄托在阿塔曼·谢门诺夫身上，他只能被归为“白军”，因为他的分队正在与布尔什维克作战。
北方和西伯利亚的白军不得不从盟军那里购买武器和弹药(通常甚至是有缺陷的武器)，而塞门诺夫则从日本人那里免费获得了大量武器。
For this reason, the allies had to constantly pull Tokyo back and tame its ambitions. The Japanese placed their hopes in Ataman Semenov, who could only be classified as ‘White’ because his detachments were fighting the Bolsheviks.
Unlike the Whites in the north and Siberia, who had to buy weapons and ammunition from the Allies (often even defective ones), Semenov received weapons from the Japanese in large quantities for nothing.
然而，日本显然希望攫取俄罗斯的部分领土，或者至少在远东建立一个亲日的缓冲国。
出于这个原因，同盟国不得不不断地把东京拉回来，遏制它的野心。日本人把希望寄托在阿塔曼·谢门诺夫身上，他只能被归为“白军”，因为他的分队正在与布尔什维克作战。
北方和西伯利亚的白军不得不从盟军那里购买武器和弹药(通常甚至是有缺陷的武器)，而塞门诺夫则从日本人那里免费获得了大量武器。
Unlike the rest of the Allied forces, which were either engaged in protecting the Trans-Siberian Railway or sitting in port cities without sticking their noses out, the Japanese occupied a significant chunk of the eastern territories, holding all of the larger cities east of Chita by the fall of 1918. With the military support of the Japanese, Semenov’s detachment managed to capture the area of Transbaikalia.
盟军的其他部队不是忙于保护西伯利亚大铁路，就是坐在港口城市里不动声色，与之不同的是，日本占领了东部的大片领土，到1918年秋占领了赤塔以东的所有大城市。在日军的军事支持下，塞门诺夫的支队成功占领了特兰贝加利亚地区。
盟军的其他部队不是忙于保护西伯利亚大铁路，就是坐在港口城市里不动声色，与之不同的是，日本占领了东部的大片领土，到1918年秋占领了赤塔以东的所有大城市。在日军的军事支持下，塞门诺夫的支队成功占领了特兰贝加利亚地区。
At the same time, the Japanese clearly did not seek to unite with the White forces in order to defeat the Bolsheviks. While they supported Semenov, they were extremely hostile to Kolchak. This animosity also manifested itself in their relations with the Russian commanders. One witness to the Civil War in Siberia, the Latvian writer Arved Shvabe, noted:
“Sometimes, the Japanese approved territorial uprisings directed against Kolchak in order to weaken his position.”
By the beginning of 1920, all of the Allied expeditionary forces had withdrawn from the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (RSFSR). Only the Japanese remained, hoping they could still get something for their trouble. In order to rid themselves of the Japanese, the Bolsheviks turned to a diplomatic trick. A significant part of the region was proclaimed to be a completely independent state called the Far Eastern Republic (FER), which was not designated as a socialist state. In fact, Social Revolutionaries and Mensheviks worked side by side with the Bolsheviks in local government there.
与此同时，日本人显然并没有为了击败布尔什维克而寻求与白军联合。虽然他们支持塞门诺夫，但他们对高尔察克极为敌视。这种敌意也表现在他们与俄国指挥官的关系上。西伯利亚内战的目击者之一，拉脱维亚作家阿尔维德·什瓦比指出:
“有时，日本人会批准针对高尔察克的领土起义，以削弱他的地位。”
到1920年初，所有盟军远征军都从俄罗斯苏维埃联邦社会主义共和国撤出。只有日本人留了下来，希望他们还能得到一些补偿。为了摆脱日本人，布尔什维克采取了一种外交策略。该地区的很大一部分被宣布为完全独立的国家，称为远东共和国，而不是被指定为社会主义国家。事实上，社会革命者和孟什维克在当地政府中与布尔什维克并肩工作。
So, it turned out the Japanese were no longer occupying Russian land but rather an independent and neutral Far Eastern Republic, which, de jure, was not even a Soviet state. This made it twice as hard for the Japanese to justify their presence there, as they were under a lot of pressure from their allies, especially the Americans.
Under diplomatic pressure, the Japanese recognized the FER and left its territory. At this point, Vladivostok and the north of Sakhalin were the last places still occupied by the Japanese, who were already in diplomatic isolation. In 1922, Tokyo began to evacuate its troops from Vladivostok.
所以，结果日本人不再占领俄国领土，而是一个独立中立的远东共和国，从法律上讲，它甚至不是苏联国家。这使得证明日本人在那里的存在更加困难，因为他们面临着来自盟友的巨大压力，尤其是美国人。
在外交压力下，日本承认了远东共和国并离开了它的领土。此时，海参崴和库页岛北部是日本人所占领的最后两个地方，日本人已经在外交上处于孤立状态。1922年，东京开始从符拉迪沃斯托克撤出军队。
Under diplomatic pressure, the Japanese recognized the FER and left its territory. At this point, Vladivostok and the north of Sakhalin were the last places still occupied by the Japanese, who were already in diplomatic isolation. In 1922, Tokyo began to evacuate its troops from Vladivostok.
所以，结果日本人不再占领俄国领土，而是一个独立中立的远东共和国，从法律上讲，它甚至不是苏联国家。这使得证明日本人在那里的存在更加困难，因为他们面临着来自盟友的巨大压力，尤其是美国人。
在外交压力下，日本承认了远东共和国并离开了它的领土。此时，海参崴和库页岛北部是日本人所占领的最后两个地方，日本人已经在外交上处于孤立状态。1922年，东京开始从符拉迪沃斯托克撤出军队。
（Japanese officers in Vladivostok with local commander Lieutenant-General Rozanov.）
日本军官在符拉迪沃斯托克与当地指挥官罗扎诺夫中将。
Two weeks later, the Far Eastern Republic announced its accession to the RSFSR. Having fulfilled its mission, there was no further reason for its existence.
两周后，远东共和国宣布加入俄罗斯苏维埃联邦社会主义共和国。在完成了使命之后，它就没有存在的理由了。
两周后，远东共和国宣布加入俄罗斯苏维埃联邦社会主义共和国。在完成了使命之后，它就没有存在的理由了。
***
The intervention had ended with the White movement harmed while the Reds were assisted. The Bolsheviks instantly turned into defenders of the Revolution and patriots fighting imperialists (though there were practically none to fight). This greatly facilitated propaganda against the Whites, who were forced to tolerate allies who had been harming Russia.
The interventionists had never set out to overthrow the Bolsheviks and did not fight the Reds. The military contingents these ‘allies’ sent to Russia were miniscule. According to the most optimistic estimates, the number of interventionists, not counting the Japanese, did not exceed 30,000 troops. Against the 5-million-strong Bolshevik army, this was less than a drop in the bucket.
这次干涉以白军受到伤害而红军得到援助而告终。布尔什维克立即变成了革命的捍卫者和对抗帝国主义的爱国者(尽管实际上没有人战斗)。这极大地促进了反对白军的宣传，白军被迫容忍那些伤害俄国的盟友。
干涉主义者从未打算推翻布尔什维克，也没有与红军作战。这些“盟友”派往俄罗斯的军事特遣队非常少。根据最乐观的估计，不包括日本在内的干涉主义者的人数不超过3万人。与500万布尔什维克军队相比，这不过是九牛一毛。
The intervention had ended with the White movement harmed while the Reds were assisted. The Bolsheviks instantly turned into defenders of the Revolution and patriots fighting imperialists (though there were practically none to fight). This greatly facilitated propaganda against the Whites, who were forced to tolerate allies who had been harming Russia.
The interventionists had never set out to overthrow the Bolsheviks and did not fight the Reds. The military contingents these ‘allies’ sent to Russia were miniscule. According to the most optimistic estimates, the number of interventionists, not counting the Japanese, did not exceed 30,000 troops. Against the 5-million-strong Bolshevik army, this was less than a drop in the bucket.
这次干涉以白军受到伤害而红军得到援助而告终。布尔什维克立即变成了革命的捍卫者和对抗帝国主义的爱国者(尽管实际上没有人战斗)。这极大地促进了反对白军的宣传，白军被迫容忍那些伤害俄国的盟友。
干涉主义者从未打算推翻布尔什维克，也没有与红军作战。这些“盟友”派往俄罗斯的军事特遣队非常少。根据最乐观的估计，不包括日本在内的干涉主义者的人数不超过3万人。与500万布尔什维克军队相比，这不过是九牛一毛。
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