为什么工党在我居住的地方越来越强大,在全国范围却越来越弱?
2019-12-24 辽阔天空 15095
正文翻译
原创翻译:龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.com 翻译:辽阔天空 转载请注明出处



I live in Canterbury, where the Labour MP Rosie Duffield increased her slim majority tenfold in the general election. Given Labour’s defeat in almost all of the rest of the UK, it’s worth considering why this happened,.

我住在坎特伯雷,这里的工党议员罗西·达菲尔德(Rosie Duffield)在大选中把她微弱优势提高了10倍。如果联系到工党在英国几乎所有地方的失利,这就值得思考的为什么它会发生。

A prime reason Duffield retained her seat is that that Labour had the support of a rickety but effective anti-Tory common front that counter-balanced the negative factors which were sinking its hopes elsewhere. The Lib Dem candidate unilaterally stood down and endorsed Duffield so as not to split the Remain vote, though he was promptly replaced by the Lib Dem leadership.

达菲尔德保住席位的一个主要原因是,工党拥有一个脆弱但有效的反托利的共同阵线的支持。其他地方工党获胜希望渺茫,这个共同阵线正好平衡了这一消极因素。为了不分裂留欧派的选票,自由民主党候选人单方面退出并支持Duffield,尽管他很快被自由民主党领导层取代。

The Greens, meanwhile, did not stand – and a booth in Canterbury high street was selling blue badges with the message “Tories for Rosie.”

​与此同时,绿党没有站起来,坎特伯雷大街的一个摊位上正在出售印有“托利党支持罗西”字样的蓝色徽章。

When Duffield, a former assistant teacher and single mother, first won the seat by 187 votes in 2017, ending no less than 185 years of uninterrupted Tory representation, the Tories and the media blamed the student vote.

当前助理教师、单身母亲达菲尔德在2017年首次以187票的优势赢得席位,终结了保守党1985年开始的不间断的代表权,而保守党和媒体却指责学生参与投票。

But while the city does have two big universities and the campus of a third, this has been true for decades.

不过,尽管该市确实有两所大大学,还有第三所大学的分校,但几十年来情况一直如此。



I asked Mike Bland, campaign coordinator for Duffield, why she had won when so many of her fellow Labour MPs had lost. He said that Labour had lost support in the Leave-voting estates, but “voters stayed home and did not switch to the Tories.”

我问达菲尔德竞选协调员迈克·布兰德,为什么她赢了,而她的许多工党同僚都输了。他说,工党已经失去了在休假投票区的支持,其实“选民留在家里,没有转向保守党”

Duffield is popular and had distanced herself from Jeremy Corbyn and the Labour leadership – distanced herself so far as to attract furious denunciations from some leaders of the local party.

达菲尔德很受欢迎,她与杰里米·科尔宾和工党领导层保持了距离,甚至引来了当地一些领导人的强烈谴责。

In the constituency there had been a small Remain majority in the referendum, and Duffield was vocally pro-Remain. This was important because in other constituencies, Labour’s suicidal policy of being somewhere in the middle between Leave and Remain managed to alienate both sides, as it was always likely to do.

在公投的选民中留任者占多数,而达菲尔德在声音上支持留任。这一点很重要,因为在其他选区,工党采取自取灭亡的政策介于离开和留任之间徘徊,从而疏远了双方,两边都不讨好。

More Labour voters switched to the other Remain parties – often in Leave majority areas – than Labour Leave voters switched to the Tories. For all Boris Johnson’s triumphalism, the overall Tory share of the vote only increased by two per cent.

更多的工党选民转向其他留任党(通常是在左翼占多数的地区),而不是工党的左翼选民转向保守党。尽管鲍里斯·约翰逊(Boris Johnson)的胜利主义者众多,但保守党在总选票中所占份额仅增加了2%。

Of course, it’s easy to say what the Labour party should have done if it was less divided. Its ambivalent Brexit policy was a compromise between factions, however toxic it was likely to prove to the electorate as a whole. But the divisions were real, so the only real solution for Labour was to avoid a general election until Brexit was decided one way or another.

当然,如果工党不那么摇摆不定的话,就可以坚定的说它应该做些什么。它的矛盾政策是派系之间的妥协,然而它很可能会对选民产生整体性的毒害。但是分歧是真实的,所以真正的解决办法是先不要大选,直到英国脱欧这件事尘埃落定。

Numerous Labour and Lib Dem leaders are now saying how much they opposed a general election, but their opposition, if it existed at the time, was largely invisible.

许多工党和自由民主党领导人现在都在说他们反对大选,但是他们的反对声音,如果当时说出的话,在很大程度上是无效的。



Jeremy Corbyn is not often compared to Hillary Clinton, but some of their mistakes were similar. Both wasted the energies of enthusiastic supporters trying to win opposition-held constituencies and states when they should have been fighting desperately to defend their own political bases.

杰里米·科尔宾并不经常被比作希拉里·克林顿,但他们的一些错误是相似的。两人都浪费了热情支持者的精力,他们本应拼命捍卫自己的政治基础,却试图赢得反对派控制的选区和州的支持。

Populist nationalist leaders are popping up all over the world. Johnson is only the British iteration of this global trend. All have authoritarian instincts to which they give rein as far as political circumstances allow.

民粹主义民族主义领袖在世界各地涌现。约翰逊只是这一全球趋势的英国版。在政治环境允许的范围内,所有人都有自己的统治本能。

Ominously for Britain, the populist nationalist wave is not receding. And once they’ve won it, few, if any, of these leaders have lost their grip on power.

对英国来说,不祥的是,民粹主义民族主义浪潮并未消退。一旦他们赢了,这些领导人就一直占据领导地位。
评论翻译
原创翻译:龙腾网 http://www.ltaaa.com 翻译:辽阔天空 转载请注明出处

Stogumber says:
So Patrick Corbyn went to bed as member of the Labour movement and woke up as a Blairite. Neocon bellicism and dishonesty are forgotten – “we” must overrule the subjective decisions of the working class for the sake of its “obxtive interests” (as did a good Bolshevist between 1917 and 1970). He has discovered the “authoritarian danger”, a so muched loved trope by the Neocon propaganda, will he help to prepare the next Neocon war?
Politics makes strange bedfellows.

于是,帕特里克·科尔宾作为劳工运动的一员睡醒后就变成了一个布莱尔派。新保守主义的好战和不诚实被遗忘了——“我们”必须为了工人阶级的“客观利益”而推翻工人阶级的主观决定(1917年至1970年,一个好的布尔什维克主义者也是如此)。他发现了“威权主义的危险”,这是新保守主义宣传中一个非常受欢迎的比喻,他会帮助准备下一场新保守主义战争吗?
政治使人感到奇怪。

Bill Jones says:
Most of the country doesn’t live in a bubble.

这个国家的大部分地区并不是生活在泡沫之中。

YetAnotherAnon says:
“estate of Thanington, which, because of its reputation for violence and crime, used to be nicknamed “Little Beirut” – that is, until 20 years ago, when it received a £2.5 million EU grant to refurbish it”Did they refurbish the people?It wasn’t the buildings that were criminally inclined.

由于其暴力和犯罪的名声,塔宁顿曾被昵称为“小贝鲁特”——这情况直到20年前,它获得了250万英镑的欧盟拨款才得以翻新。
他们翻新过人民思想吗?并不是那些建筑物有犯罪倾向。

djm says:
Poor Patrick doesn’t understand the election result.
Bless.
Given his poor analysis, it’s hardly surprising.

可怜的帕特里克不明白选举结果。
上帝保佑。
考虑到他分析得不好,这一点也不奇怪。

Jonathan Mason says:
The fact that Canterbury is located right on the corner of England closest to the channel crossings to Europe might have something to do with it as residents can practically commute to Europe.

坎特伯雷位于英格兰的一角,距离英吉利海峡与欧洲的交叉口最近,这可能与此有关,因为居民几乎可以通勤到欧洲上班。

obwandiyag says:
Because Corbyn is an unbelievable wuss. Where do the English get these chinless non-entities?

因为科尔宾是个令人难以置信的笨蛋。英国人从哪里弄来这些尖嘴猴腮的东西。



Altai says:
Johnsons new line about a points based immigration system won’t help help all the other problems of immigration and may make them worse long-term through giving more influential portions of the population an ‘immigration background’, but it will at least help shift the burden away from the most vulnerable. Having to go through at least some rigamarole to get immigrant labour will help to discourage it’s use in the lower skilled sectors. (Though I am sure low skilled immigrants will still be imported and labour sourced far away now that certain sectors have become addicted and entitled to it, it will be harder and profits lower.) The cheap labour from the post-Soviet states was also crucial to starting the housing bubble.

约翰逊关于基于积分的新移民政策不会帮助解决所有其他移民问题,而且可能会给人民中更有影响力的部分人一个“移民背景”,从而使这些问题在一定时间内变得更糟,但它至少会帮助将最弱势群体身上的负担转移出去。至少要经历一些繁琐的手续才能获得移民劳工,这将有助于阻止低技能部门使用移民劳工。(尽管我确信低技能移民仍将是外来的,劳动力也将来自遥远的地方,因为某些行业已经习惯,并有资格享受这种待遇,但这将更加困难,利润也会下降。)来自后苏联国家的廉价劳动力也是引发房地产泡沫的关键因素。

John Johnson says:
You make it sound like this is undeserved. Is London the Labour model for Britain? Mass surveillance, knife control and suppressing rape statistics? What a utopia. US has the same problem where the liberals arrogantly assume they have the best model and yet don’t walk to talk about how they haven’t been able to fix Detroit or Baltimore even with their half trillion dollar war on poverty.

你说得好像这是不应该的。伦敦是英国的劳动模范吗?大规模监控,刀具控制和禁止强奸统计数据?真是一个乌托邦。美国也有同样的问题,自由主义者傲慢地认为他们有最好的模式,却不去谈论即使他们花了5000亿美元来消除贫困,为什么仍然没能解决底特律或巴尔的摩的问题。

Polls have shown that Britains want less immigration and yet Labour ignores them. Why?

民意调查显示,英国人希望减少移民,但工党忽视了这一点。为什么?

Your vacuous mainstream analysis is part of the reason why the left will continue to lose. Instead of facing the facts and picking a side you hold out for the most deluded view which is that the Western left has a viable plan and is interested in serving the needs of native workers. The mainstream left is a total joke. Go back to arguing about how many genders there are while the rest of try to think critically about how we can fix this mess, if it is even possible at this point.

你空洞的主流分析是左翼将继续失败的部分原因。而不是面对事实和选择一方,你坚持最令人迷惑的观点,即西方左翼有一个可行的计划,并有兴趣服务于本地工人的需要。主流的左翼是一个彻头彻尾的笑话。回到讨论有多少性别的问题上,而剩下的人则试图批判性地思考我们如何才能解决这个问题,如果在这一点上有可能的话。

Honesthughgrant says:
So, labour did everything right and just suffered a massive defeat. Sads. Well, just keep doing the same ol’ same ol’ and it will work out next time.

所以,工党做的一切都是对的,只是遭受了巨大的失败,有点悲伤而已。好吧,继续做同样的事情,下次会成功的。



22pp22 says:
Canterbury is a luvvie town these days. That is why the Labour vote grew. Of course Canterbury has council estates. Where doesn’t? It is even the centre of the Chrch of England, which said goodbye to Christ ten years ago and said hello to woke.

坎特伯雷现在是个卢维小镇。这就是工党投票率上升的原因。坎特伯雷当然有议会大厦。哪里没有?它甚至是英国基督教的中心,十年前,英国人向基督道别,向醒来的人问好。

Labour also held on to all its seats in London which is no longer a British city.

工党还保住了在伦敦的所有席位,伦敦已不再是英国的城市。移民和男妓现在是劳动力基础。

Maple Curtain says:
@John Johnson
So the rest of us can get a glimpse of Clown Wold though the mind of one of the clowns

所以我们其他人可以通过一个小丑的头脑看到小丑世界

but an humble craftsman says:
@davidgmillsatty
The number of people represented by the representatives has not increased hundredfold.
The number of people represented back then was lower than the number of inhsbitants, as it is today.

代表人数没有增加一百倍。
那时所代表的人数低于今天的移民人数。

Tsar Nicholas says:
Labour did relatively well in 2017 under Corbyn because the Dear Leader promised to honour the referendum result.

工党在科尔宾的2017年表现相对较好,因为这位亲爱的领袖承诺尊重公投结果。

He then did a volte-face under the influence of the Bliarites in his party, and lost in 2019.

随后,在党内信众的影响下,他改变了立场,并在2019年败选。

George Galloway stated the obvious when he said Brexit lost Labour votes in Labour heartlands. He should know, since he was out knocking on doors to try to win a seat in West Bromwich East. But Galloway also said something else.

乔治·加洛韦(George Galloway)表示,英国退欧在工党腹地失去了工党的选票,这是显而易见的。他应该知道,因为他正在挨家挨户敲门,试图在西布罗姆维奇东部赢得一个席位。但加洛韦还说了些别的。

Of course, Cockburn lives in his university city, and would probably be repelled by a working class voter if he ever met one.

当然,考克伯恩生活在他的大学城,如果他遇到一个工人阶级选民,他可能会被他排斥。



He is pro worker, so he is a Leftist. But because the Left hates workers he hates workers.

他是职业工人,所以他是左派。但因为左派憎恨工人,所以他憎恨工人。

He is anti Corporation, so he is a Leftist. But because the Left loves Corporations, he loves Corporations.

他反对公司,所以他是左派。但因为左派喜欢公司,所以他也喜欢公司。

The one consistent theme of his politics is that he hates Anglo Saxons, so he is a Leftist. The Left, created by Anglo Saxons, always hates Anglo Saxons.

他的政治主张中有一个始终如一的主题,那就是他憎恨盎格鲁-撒克逊人,所以他是左派。由盎格鲁-撒克逊人创造的左派,总是憎恨盎格鲁-撒克逊人。
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