QA：美国梦正在消亡吗？
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Remy Martin former Professor/Instructor at Riverside Community College (1980-1990)
NO, A LONG AS YOU MAKE A GREAT DEAL OF MONEY. YOU WILL BE THRILLED.!
HOWEVER, IF YOU ARE NOT UPPER CLASSS, COMPARATIVELY, YOUR SLICE OF THE PIE IS 50% LESS THAN IT WAS IN 1970. SORRY, YOU LOST AND THE SLICK, RICH WON SPECIAL TAX CUTS ON INCOME, SPECIAL TAX RATES FOR income on STOCKS, SPECIAL TAXES FOR THE WEALTHY, CORPORATE STOCK DEALS, ON AND ON.
UNDERSTAND, I am not saying that your salary went down 50%. What I am saying is, as part of the growing US economy, your income group (class) are receiving 50% less of the big Pizza Pie than you did before.
The pie grew and your slice remained the same, except that you lost 2%, of your slice each year through inflation. Meanwhile, your economic group (Middle, Working, or Lower Class) is receiving 50% less of that big pie while all the growth in the economy went to the wealthy.
【回答】前河滨社区学院教授/导师(1980年-1990年)
不，只要你能赚很多钱，你就会很兴奋！
然而，相比之下，如果你不是上层阶级，你的那块蛋糕比1970年少了50% 。对不起，你输了，而那些聪明的富人赢得了收入的特别减税，股票收入的特别税率，富人的特别税，公司股票交易，等等。
你要明白，我不是说你的工资下降了50% 。我要说的是，作为美国经济增长的一部分，你的收入群体(阶层)得到的大蛋糕比你以前少了50% 。
蛋糕变大了，你的那份保持不变，只是由于通货膨胀，你的那块蛋糕每年损失2%。与此同时，你的经济群体(中产阶级、工人阶级或者下层阶级)在这个大蛋糕中得到的份额减少了50%，而经济的所有增长都被富人拿走了。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处
NO, A LONG AS YOU MAKE A GREAT DEAL OF MONEY. YOU WILL BE THRILLED.!
HOWEVER, IF YOU ARE NOT UPPER CLASSS, COMPARATIVELY, YOUR SLICE OF THE PIE IS 50% LESS THAN IT WAS IN 1970. SORRY, YOU LOST AND THE SLICK, RICH WON SPECIAL TAX CUTS ON INCOME, SPECIAL TAX RATES FOR income on STOCKS, SPECIAL TAXES FOR THE WEALTHY, CORPORATE STOCK DEALS, ON AND ON.
UNDERSTAND, I am not saying that your salary went down 50%. What I am saying is, as part of the growing US economy, your income group (class) are receiving 50% less of the big Pizza Pie than you did before.
The pie grew and your slice remained the same, except that you lost 2%, of your slice each year through inflation. Meanwhile, your economic group (Middle, Working, or Lower Class) is receiving 50% less of that big pie while all the growth in the economy went to the wealthy.
【回答】前河滨社区学院教授/导师(1980年-1990年)
不，只要你能赚很多钱，你就会很兴奋！
然而，相比之下，如果你不是上层阶级，你的那块蛋糕比1970年少了50% 。对不起，你输了，而那些聪明的富人赢得了收入的特别减税，股票收入的特别税率，富人的特别税，公司股票交易，等等。
你要明白，我不是说你的工资下降了50% 。我要说的是，作为美国经济增长的一部分，你的收入群体(阶层)得到的大蛋糕比你以前少了50% 。
蛋糕变大了，你的那份保持不变，只是由于通货膨胀，你的那块蛋糕每年损失2%。与此同时，你的经济群体(中产阶级、工人阶级或者下层阶级)在这个大蛋糕中得到的份额减少了50%，而经济的所有增长都被富人拿走了。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处
Going back to the 1950’s Millionaires paid a 90% tax rate. No one wants Millionaires to pay a 90% tax rate. However, we have gone the other way (switched sides as they say). Now, Billionaires like the guy running Amazon and the guy running Facebook pay zero in taxes. The US Tax Code has gone Looney. High School teachers pay more in taxes and pay a higher rate of tax, than Millionaires and Billionaires.
We are morally and ethically bankrupt and you feel it.
SO, where did all that pizza and money go?
It has gone, thanks to the GOP in Congress, to the very wealthy…. because they paid your Congress to get this special treatment, one feather (law or tax cut) at a time, until your back broke, you bleed and scream….This is not working anymore.
Sorry!
回到20世纪50年代，百万富翁支付90% 的税率。没有人希望百万富翁支付90% 的税率。然而，我们走的是另一条路(正如他们所说的，改变了立场)。现在，像经营亚马逊的人和经营脸书的人这样的亿万富翁的纳税额为零。美国的税法已经失控了。与百万富翁和亿万富翁相比，高中教师支付的税款更多，税率更高。
我们在道德和伦理上已经破产，你也感觉到了。
那么，那些蛋糕和钱都到哪里去了？
多亏了国会里的共和党人，它已经消失了，流向了非常富有的人... 因为他们付钱给你们的国会来得到这种特殊待遇，一次一根羽毛(法律或减税) ，直到你们的背部受伤，你们流血和尖叫... 但这已经不再管用了。
对不起！
We are morally and ethically bankrupt and you feel it.
SO, where did all that pizza and money go?
It has gone, thanks to the GOP in Congress, to the very wealthy…. because they paid your Congress to get this special treatment, one feather (law or tax cut) at a time, until your back broke, you bleed and scream….This is not working anymore.
Sorry!
回到20世纪50年代，百万富翁支付90% 的税率。没有人希望百万富翁支付90% 的税率。然而，我们走的是另一条路(正如他们所说的，改变了立场)。现在，像经营亚马逊的人和经营脸书的人这样的亿万富翁的纳税额为零。美国的税法已经失控了。与百万富翁和亿万富翁相比，高中教师支付的税款更多，税率更高。
我们在道德和伦理上已经破产，你也感觉到了。
那么，那些蛋糕和钱都到哪里去了？
多亏了国会里的共和党人，它已经消失了，流向了非常富有的人... 因为他们付钱给你们的国会来得到这种特殊待遇，一次一根羽毛(法律或减税) ，直到你们的背部受伤，你们流血和尖叫... 但这已经不再管用了。
对不起！
Howard Galt former Transportation Lobbyist (1985-1989)
It is more likely getting an overdue reboot.
From the days Daniel Boone first defied the King of England and went through the Cumberland Gap until the Industrial Age, the American dream was wrapped up in Manifest Destiny and described as “Go West Young Man.”
That dream didn’t work in the world of factory labor and the transcontinental railroad. So it was modified for the Industrial Age for what we currently have. A 9 to 5 job that allows a married couple a nice little house with a dog and 1.7 children.
As the productivity increased during the Information Age, the American dream did not progress along with it. It just modified. The nice little house became a McMansion, the dog became some exotic animal and you now had to bribe the admissions department of a college so that you 1.7 children could get a degree to land a job in Silicon Valley. It seemed that suddenly everybody also needed a vehicle, from an automobile for those over 16, to an expensive bicycle for teens to a Barbie or G.I. Joe electric Jeep for toddlers. Everybody also all of a sudden needed electronic devices they could carry in their pocket.
As we enter the Age of Automation, we are overdue to completely reboot the American dream. That should have happened in the Information Age. The population is too large for McMansions and not everyone needs to be wired 24/7. I don’t know what the new dream may be. I would suggest from watching younger people that maybe with automation completing much of the drudge work the new dream should have to do with creativity. Maybe an American dream based on lifestyle and physical culture, where people’s goals are to live as long as they can as fully functional as they can.
【回答】前交通说客(1985年-1989年)
这更像是一次迟来的重启。
从丹尼尔·布恩第一次挑战英格兰国王，穿过坎伯兰山口直到工业时代的那些日子，美国梦被包裹在昭昭天命之中，被描述为“去西方吧，年轻人”
这个梦想在工厂劳动力和横贯大陆铁路的世界里行不通。因此，它针对工业时代进行了修改，以适应我们目前所拥有的。朝九晚五的工作，可以让一对夫妇拥有一间养着狗和1.7个孩子的漂亮小房子。
随着信息时代生产力的提高，美国梦并没有随之进步。只是修改了一下。这个漂亮的小房子变成了豪宅，狗变成了某种奇异的动物，你现在不得不贿赂大学的招生部门，这样你的1.7个孩子才能拿到学位，在硅谷找到一份工作。似乎突然之间，每个人都需要一辆汽车，从为16岁以上的人准备的汽车，到为青少年准备的昂贵自行车，再到为幼儿准备的芭比娃娃或G.I.Joe电动吉普车。每个人也都突然需要可以放在口袋里的电子设备。
随着我们进入自动化时代，我们早该彻底重启美国梦了。在信息时代，这本该已经发生了。人口太多，不适合建造麦克豪宅，也不是每个人都需要全天候的联网。我不知道新的梦想会是什么。通过观察年轻人，我会建议，也许自动化完成了许多繁重的工作，新的梦想应该与创造力有关。也许一个基于生活方式和体育文化的美国梦，在那里，人们的目标是尽可能长寿。
It is more likely getting an overdue reboot.
From the days Daniel Boone first defied the King of England and went through the Cumberland Gap until the Industrial Age, the American dream was wrapped up in Manifest Destiny and described as “Go West Young Man.”
That dream didn’t work in the world of factory labor and the transcontinental railroad. So it was modified for the Industrial Age for what we currently have. A 9 to 5 job that allows a married couple a nice little house with a dog and 1.7 children.
As the productivity increased during the Information Age, the American dream did not progress along with it. It just modified. The nice little house became a McMansion, the dog became some exotic animal and you now had to bribe the admissions department of a college so that you 1.7 children could get a degree to land a job in Silicon Valley. It seemed that suddenly everybody also needed a vehicle, from an automobile for those over 16, to an expensive bicycle for teens to a Barbie or G.I. Joe electric Jeep for toddlers. Everybody also all of a sudden needed electronic devices they could carry in their pocket.
As we enter the Age of Automation, we are overdue to completely reboot the American dream. That should have happened in the Information Age. The population is too large for McMansions and not everyone needs to be wired 24/7. I don’t know what the new dream may be. I would suggest from watching younger people that maybe with automation completing much of the drudge work the new dream should have to do with creativity. Maybe an American dream based on lifestyle and physical culture, where people’s goals are to live as long as they can as fully functional as they can.
【回答】前交通说客(1985年-1989年)
这更像是一次迟来的重启。
从丹尼尔·布恩第一次挑战英格兰国王，穿过坎伯兰山口直到工业时代的那些日子，美国梦被包裹在昭昭天命之中，被描述为“去西方吧，年轻人”
这个梦想在工厂劳动力和横贯大陆铁路的世界里行不通。因此，它针对工业时代进行了修改，以适应我们目前所拥有的。朝九晚五的工作，可以让一对夫妇拥有一间养着狗和1.7个孩子的漂亮小房子。
随着信息时代生产力的提高，美国梦并没有随之进步。只是修改了一下。这个漂亮的小房子变成了豪宅，狗变成了某种奇异的动物，你现在不得不贿赂大学的招生部门，这样你的1.7个孩子才能拿到学位，在硅谷找到一份工作。似乎突然之间，每个人都需要一辆汽车，从为16岁以上的人准备的汽车，到为青少年准备的昂贵自行车，再到为幼儿准备的芭比娃娃或G.I.Joe电动吉普车。每个人也都突然需要可以放在口袋里的电子设备。
随着我们进入自动化时代，我们早该彻底重启美国梦了。在信息时代，这本该已经发生了。人口太多，不适合建造麦克豪宅，也不是每个人都需要全天候的联网。我不知道新的梦想会是什么。通过观察年轻人，我会建议，也许自动化完成了许多繁重的工作，新的梦想应该与创造力有关。也许一个基于生活方式和体育文化的美国梦，在那里，人们的目标是尽可能长寿。
James M. Stone founder and CEO of the Plymouth Rock Group of Companies
That income and wealth inequality was a worsening problem for the United States didn’t fully sink in until I was the Insurance Commissioner of Massachusetts in the 1970s. I had grown up believing that America was already pushing the edges of what was possible for mankind and headed steadfastly further in the direction of an inherent and universally admired fairness. We were lucky not to have to live with the inequities of a Latin American banana republic, a European hereditary aristocracy. Our country, I was taught, had both a higher level of distributional equity and more social mobility than just about any nation-state in all of history.
【回答】普利茅斯-洛克公司集团的创始人和首席执行官
我一直都没有完全认识到美国的收入和财富不均问题正在逐渐恶化，直到20世纪70年代我当上了马萨诸塞州的保险监理官。从小到大我都认为美国已经推动了人类可能的极限，并且坚定地朝着众人敬仰的内在公平性的方向迈进。我们很幸运，我们的良心不必承受拉丁美洲那些香蕉共和国、欧洲世袭贵族体制。我被教导我们的国家比所有历史中的任何一个国家都拥有更高层次的分配公平和更大的社会流动性。
That income and wealth inequality was a worsening problem for the United States didn’t fully sink in until I was the Insurance Commissioner of Massachusetts in the 1970s. I had grown up believing that America was already pushing the edges of what was possible for mankind and headed steadfastly further in the direction of an inherent and universally admired fairness. We were lucky not to have to live with the inequities of a Latin American banana republic, a European hereditary aristocracy. Our country, I was taught, had both a higher level of distributional equity and more social mobility than just about any nation-state in all of history.
【回答】普利茅斯-洛克公司集团的创始人和首席执行官
我一直都没有完全认识到美国的收入和财富不均问题正在逐渐恶化，直到20世纪70年代我当上了马萨诸塞州的保险监理官。从小到大我都认为美国已经推动了人类可能的极限，并且坚定地朝着众人敬仰的内在公平性的方向迈进。我们很幸运，我们的良心不必承受拉丁美洲那些香蕉共和国、欧洲世袭贵族体制。我被教导我们的国家比所有历史中的任何一个国家都拥有更高层次的分配公平和更大的社会流动性。
Quite a few of us believed then that if we could only overcome race and gender bias, our society would be on the way to near perfection. Looking back, it seems apparent that the perfection many of us had in mind was ill defined, with some seeking a pure, unbridled meritocracy and others preferring the far edge of an egalitarian flat plane — neither of which is in reality a sound destination. Whatever definition of perfection with respect to distributional equity is used, more importantly, it has by now become clear that this country isn’t going to get there, and in fact, if we were ever on the road at all, we missed our turn and we are now headed in the wrong direction.
我们中有很多人都相信，只要我们克服了种族和性别歧视，我们的社会就会趋于完美。回首过去，显然我们很多人心中关于完美的定义都是错误的，有些人追求纯粹的不受约束的精英管理制度，另一些人则倾向于到达平等主义的边界，然而在现实中这两种都不是明智的目标。不管用哪种定义来界定完美的分配公平，更重要的是现在已经很明确这个国家不会趋于完美，而且事实上，如果我们曾经真的在这条道路上的话，我们已经错过了转弯的机会，我们现在正朝着错误的方向前进。
我们中有很多人都相信，只要我们克服了种族和性别歧视，我们的社会就会趋于完美。回首过去，显然我们很多人心中关于完美的定义都是错误的，有些人追求纯粹的不受约束的精英管理制度，另一些人则倾向于到达平等主义的边界，然而在现实中这两种都不是明智的目标。不管用哪种定义来界定完美的分配公平，更重要的是现在已经很明确这个国家不会趋于完美，而且事实上，如果我们曾经真的在这条道路上的话，我们已经错过了转弯的机会，我们现在正朝着错误的方向前进。
At the Massachusetts Division of Insurance, the issue that opened my eyes revolved around setting premiums for car insurance on the basis of a policyholder’s socioeconomic status, a technique used in most of the country. Income is not a terribly bad predictor of claims cost and is statistically better than most — and it is easy to find proxies for it that sound like palatable pricing factors. The problem with this approach is twofold: It lacks incentives for responsible driving behavior that could improve outcomes and lower costs for the population as a whole, and it frequently results in charging clean drivers from disadvantaged neighborhoods unaffordable rates while giving bargain prices to drivers with poor records in wealthier areas, thus worsening the disparities.
在马萨诸塞州保险部，我见识到了汽车保险的保险费是根据保单持有人的社会经济地位设定的，美国大多数州都使用的是这种方法。用一个人的收入和社会地位来预测索赔成本并没有那么糟糕，从统计学角度来看它比大多数预测指标都更好，而且能够容易地为它找到合适的定价指标。但是这种方法存在两方面的问题：其一，它缺乏对负责任的驾驶行为的激励因素，无法从整体上改善驾驶行为的结果和降低成本；其二，它通常会向来自贫困地区的守法驾驶员收取难以负担的费率，而给予来自富裕区域却记录不良的驾驶员优惠价格，从而导致差距恶化。
在马萨诸塞州保险部，我见识到了汽车保险的保险费是根据保单持有人的社会经济地位设定的，美国大多数州都使用的是这种方法。用一个人的收入和社会地位来预测索赔成本并没有那么糟糕，从统计学角度来看它比大多数预测指标都更好，而且能够容易地为它找到合适的定价指标。但是这种方法存在两方面的问题：其一，它缺乏对负责任的驾驶行为的激励因素，无法从整体上改善驾驶行为的结果和降低成本；其二，它通常会向来自贫困地区的守法驾驶员收取难以负担的费率，而给予来自富裕区域却记录不良的驾驶员优惠价格，从而导致差距恶化。
The deeper I delved into the issue, and the more I learned about our income and wealth distribution generally, the faster my rosy, distorted view of economic equality in the United States fell away. The topic of inequality has stayed high on my list of interests since the Massachusetts government job ended long ago. But it was a source of no small disappointment to discover how small an audience, including among academics, the emerging picture drew until quite recently.
在这一问题上钻得越深，我对我们的收入和财富的大体分配也就了解得越多，我那些关于美国经济平等的美好扭曲的憧憬也就消散得越快。我在马萨诸塞州的政府工作很早之前就结束了，自那以后，不平等的问题始终盘踞在我的兴趣列表的顶端。但是令人大感失望的是，对这一问题感兴趣的人，包括学术界人士少之又少。直到最近这一情况才有所改观。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处
在这一问题上钻得越深，我对我们的收入和财富的大体分配也就了解得越多，我那些关于美国经济平等的美好扭曲的憧憬也就消散得越快。我在马萨诸塞州的政府工作很早之前就结束了，自那以后，不平等的问题始终盘踞在我的兴趣列表的顶端。但是令人大感失望的是，对这一问题感兴趣的人，包括学术界人士少之又少。直到最近这一情况才有所改观。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处
Recent events have made it harder to ignore the issue of distributional equity. If you wonder where the Occupy Wall Street movement that arose after the 2008 crash got its steam, despite its singular lack of leadership or focus, consider that the three-year recovery from the recession that followed was absorbed almost in its entirety by the top 1% of the income distribution. The same reality, ironically, may also be lending additional power to the Tea Party movement. Since 2000, income for 70% or more of Americans has actually been flat or declined a little, thanks in part to the financial crisis.
最近发生的一些事情使人们越来越难以忽略分配公平的问题。如果你还在疑惑为什么2008年金融危机后兴起的“占领华尔街”运动即使根本没有领导和焦点却还是形成了气候，不妨想一想，在经济衰退之后的三年复苏中，全部的收入几乎都被顶层1%的人瓜分了。而且讽刺的是，这件事还给了“茶党运动”更多的势力。自2000年以来，70%或者更多的美国人实际上一直收入平平，甚至受金融危机的影响略有下跌。
最近发生的一些事情使人们越来越难以忽略分配公平的问题。如果你还在疑惑为什么2008年金融危机后兴起的“占领华尔街”运动即使根本没有领导和焦点却还是形成了气候，不妨想一想，在经济衰退之后的三年复苏中，全部的收入几乎都被顶层1%的人瓜分了。而且讽刺的是，这件事还给了“茶党运动”更多的势力。自2000年以来，70%或者更多的美国人实际上一直收入平平，甚至受金融危机的影响略有下跌。
Meanwhile, for the top decile in this millennium, income is up by double digits, despite the crisis. The average net worth of households in the upper 7% rose by 28% in the initial recovery years of 2009 through 2011 while the wealth of the other 93% fell by 4%. It should not be surprising that so many people think the recession isn’t over yet, and some are pretty angry. The only silver lining is that political and scholarly attention is finally being paid to the increasing economic inequality and the fading of our long-admired mobility.
与此同时，自新千年以来，即使在经济危机的背景下，那些居于社会顶层人士的收入却增加了两位数。在2009年经济恢复初期到2011年，上层7%家庭的平均资产净值增加了28%，其余93%的家庭的资产净值却降低了4%。难怪那么多人会觉得经济衰退还没有结束，而且一部分人觉得非常愤怒。唯一的一线光明是政界和学界终于将注意力放在了不断加深的经济不平等和我们长期以来令人羡慕，现在却不断衰退的流动性上。
与此同时，自新千年以来，即使在经济危机的背景下，那些居于社会顶层人士的收入却增加了两位数。在2009年经济恢复初期到2011年，上层7%家庭的平均资产净值增加了28%，其余93%的家庭的资产净值却降低了4%。难怪那么多人会觉得经济衰退还没有结束，而且一部分人觉得非常愤怒。唯一的一线光明是政界和学界终于将注意力放在了不断加深的经济不平等和我们长期以来令人羡慕，现在却不断衰退的流动性上。
The view over a longer timeline provides no more comfort. The median income in this country hasn’t risen at all in real terms for 40 years. The United States since most of us were born has regularly harvested more wealth than any other nation in the history of the world, but the fruits have been increasingly carried toward the tip of the pyramid. While income in the middle brackets stagnated over the past four decades, income for the upper 1% tripled. As recently as the middle of the 20th century, the share of the United States’ national income taken by the top 10% of income earners was about one-third. Now it is more like 50%. The fortunate pinnacle, the top 1% of all households, received 10% of the nation’s total income in the middle of the 20th century. Now the upper 1% takes about one-quarter of the grand total. If you are in this segment, I hope you can be grateful without believing that this is the way things ought to be.
然而从长远来看却毫无慰藉可言。按实值计算，美国的中间收入四十年来根本没有任何提高。自从我们中的大多数人出生以来，美国常规时期收获的财富比世界历史上任何一个国家都多，但是果实却被越来越多地运到金字塔的顶尖。尽管在过去四十年中，中间人群的收入保持停滞，上层1%人群的收入却增至三倍。就像20世纪中期，美国前10%的挣钱人拿走了全国总收入的三分之一，如今这一数据更接近50%。在20世纪中期，处于财富尖端的前1%的家庭获得了全国总收入的10%，如今，上层1%的家庭拿走了总收入的25%。如果你是其中一员的话，我希望你能心怀感激，不要认为一切理应如此。
然而从长远来看却毫无慰藉可言。按实值计算，美国的中间收入四十年来根本没有任何提高。自从我们中的大多数人出生以来，美国常规时期收获的财富比世界历史上任何一个国家都多，但是果实却被越来越多地运到金字塔的顶尖。尽管在过去四十年中，中间人群的收入保持停滞，上层1%人群的收入却增至三倍。就像20世纪中期，美国前10%的挣钱人拿走了全国总收入的三分之一，如今这一数据更接近50%。在20世纪中期，处于财富尖端的前1%的家庭获得了全国总收入的10%，如今，上层1%的家庭拿走了总收入的25%。如果你是其中一员的话，我希望你能心怀感激，不要认为一切理应如此。
Meanwhile, the Congressional Budget Office estimates that the share of total income held by the bottom 20% of American households, which was never out of the single digits, has fallen by two points. That means that the middle classes have absorbed the loss of fifteen of the national income points that shifted to the possession of the top decile. Another widely quoted measure of growing disparity, affecting mainly the middle class, is the ratio of CEO pay to the average American worker’s pay. This ratio, which stood at about 20 to one when I was young, is now close to 300 to one. These trends are just not healthy for the nation.
同时，美国国会办公室估计美国底层20%家庭的总收入降低了两个百分点，他们在总收入中的占比从来没有超过个位数。这意味着中产阶级承担了国民收入中向顶层阶级财富转移的15个百分点损失。另外一个广泛引用的，被用来衡量不断增长的差异性的指标是首席执行官的薪酬和普通美国劳动者的薪酬比率，受其影响的主要是中产阶级。当我还年轻的时候，这一比率是20比1，如今已经接近300比1。对这个国家来说，这些根本不是健康的趋势。
同时，美国国会办公室估计美国底层20%家庭的总收入降低了两个百分点，他们在总收入中的占比从来没有超过个位数。这意味着中产阶级承担了国民收入中向顶层阶级财富转移的15个百分点损失。另外一个广泛引用的，被用来衡量不断增长的差异性的指标是首席执行官的薪酬和普通美国劳动者的薪酬比率，受其影响的主要是中产阶级。当我还年轻的时候，这一比率是20比1，如今已经接近300比1。对这个国家来说，这些根本不是健康的趋势。
I have always used a kind of shorthand to describe our socioeconomic classes. In this categorization, the all-important middle class consists of those people who can live reasonably comfortably if they are willing and able to work and improve their comfort level by harder or better work. The upper class is composed of those folks who can live well without work if they so choose. The lower class consists of those who can’t scratch together enough money to live decently even if they are willing to work hard.
我经常用一种简略的方式来描述我们的社会经济阶级状况。在这种分类中，非常重要的中层阶级由这样一群人——如果他们愿意并且努力工作，他们可以生活得颇为舒适。而且如果他们工作更努力更出色的话，他们可以生活地更好。上层阶级是这样一群人——如果他们愿意的话，即使不工作，他们也可以生活得很好。下层社会又是另外一群人——即使他们愿意卖力工作，也无法凑到足够的钱过体面的生活。
我经常用一种简略的方式来描述我们的社会经济阶级状况。在这种分类中，非常重要的中层阶级由这样一群人——如果他们愿意并且努力工作，他们可以生活得颇为舒适。而且如果他们工作更努力更出色的话，他们可以生活地更好。上层阶级是这样一群人——如果他们愿意的话，即使不工作，他们也可以生活得很好。下层社会又是另外一群人——即使他们愿意卖力工作，也无法凑到足够的钱过体面的生活。
The economics of our society just isn’t working for the middle class, the majority of its citizenry, when those who are willing and able to work cannot better their financial position. This is increasingly becoming the case in the 21st century. The American dream, moreover, has embodied an assumption that able and hard-working citizens can move upward freely from one of these classes to the next, including exits from the lowest classes and access to the top spots, and that sloth or incompetence will lead to a downward class shift. This is less true than it used to be, and it will be less so still as concentration at the pinnacle vacuums the opportunities from the spaces below.
中产阶级是全体公民中的主力，但是我们的社会经济理论对于中产阶级已经不奏效了。即使他们愿意也有能力工作，今天的中产阶级仍然无法提升自身的财务状况。这在21世纪越来越成为现实。美国梦已经种下了一种假设，即富有能力和卖力工作的公民可以自由地从一个阶级上升到另一个阶级，甚至可以跳出底层阶级，进入高层位置，而懒惰或者无能则会导致阶级地位下降。与过去相比，现在的美国梦已经不那么真实了，如果顶尖的浓缩阶层继续吸干下层空间中的机遇，以后的美国梦也不会成真。
中产阶级是全体公民中的主力，但是我们的社会经济理论对于中产阶级已经不奏效了。即使他们愿意也有能力工作，今天的中产阶级仍然无法提升自身的财务状况。这在21世纪越来越成为现实。美国梦已经种下了一种假设，即富有能力和卖力工作的公民可以自由地从一个阶级上升到另一个阶级，甚至可以跳出底层阶级，进入高层位置，而懒惰或者无能则会导致阶级地位下降。与过去相比，现在的美国梦已经不那么真实了，如果顶尖的浓缩阶层继续吸干下层空间中的机遇，以后的美国梦也不会成真。
Legitimate worry, moreover, should extend well beyond individual income and wealth imbalances. The growing concentration of corporate power is equally threatening to the values most Americans share. You are not being an alarmist if you fear that lobbyists and superrich contributors have excessive influence nowadays in every aspect of politics.
Corporate power in the halls of Congress has waxed and waned over the history of our republic. It is probably greater now than at any time since Boss Tweed and Mark Hanna reigned from behind the scenes. Statistics show that the great majority of elections are won by whoever raises the largest war chest, and a friend of mine who served in the Senate told me that U.S. senators now typically spend about one-third of their time raising money. For House members, with a two-year election cycle, the situation must be worse.
此外，合理的担忧应该远远不止于个人收入和财富不均。集团权力的日益集中化也同样在威胁着大多数美国人所持有的价值观。如果你担心游说者和超级富豪捐赠者对当今政治的方方面面影响过大，你并不是在危言耸听。
在我们的共和国历史上，企业财团在国会厅中的权力时起时落。然而自从大佬特威德（Boss Tweed）和马克·哈纳（Mark Hanna）开始国会的幕后统治以来，财团权力似乎比任何时候都大。统计数据显示，大多数选举的获胜者都是筹集竞选资金最多的人。我在参议院的一个朋友告诉我，现在美国的参议员一般都要花费三分之一的时间来筹集资金。对众议院的成员来说，面对两年一次的选举，情况必定更加糟糕。
Corporate power in the halls of Congress has waxed and waned over the history of our republic. It is probably greater now than at any time since Boss Tweed and Mark Hanna reigned from behind the scenes. Statistics show that the great majority of elections are won by whoever raises the largest war chest, and a friend of mine who served in the Senate told me that U.S. senators now typically spend about one-third of their time raising money. For House members, with a two-year election cycle, the situation must be worse.
此外，合理的担忧应该远远不止于个人收入和财富不均。集团权力的日益集中化也同样在威胁着大多数美国人所持有的价值观。如果你担心游说者和超级富豪捐赠者对当今政治的方方面面影响过大，你并不是在危言耸听。
在我们的共和国历史上，企业财团在国会厅中的权力时起时落。然而自从大佬特威德（Boss Tweed）和马克·哈纳（Mark Hanna）开始国会的幕后统治以来，财团权力似乎比任何时候都大。统计数据显示，大多数选举的获胜者都是筹集竞选资金最多的人。我在参议院的一个朋友告诉我，现在美国的参议员一般都要花费三分之一的时间来筹集资金。对众议院的成员来说，面对两年一次的选举，情况必定更加糟糕。
Democracy itself is endangered by this trend. Our treasured form of government is not something to take for granted. The more you learn about governments around the world, the more grateful you should be for our democracy, and the more clearly you should discern what a delicate flower it is. Not only is democracy far from inevitable for all places and all times, it is historically rare and fragile. Look how seldom democracies have occurred and thrived, in both time and place. The United States and Switzerland, after all, have the oldest two functioning democratic republics on the planet. Contrary to what some in our government thought as they tried to transplant our system elsewhere, democracy requires more than sextion of leaders by popular elections. A true democracy is characterized by due process, minority rights, an independent press, reservations of various liberties, and effective separation of church and state. Without those essential corollaries, majority voting can become little more than what a wise humorist suggested: a dozen wolves and a sheep voting on what to have for lunch.
民主制度本身也受到了这一趋势的危害。我们所珍视的政府体制并不是什么理所当然的事物。你对世界各国的政府了解得越多，就越应该感谢我们的民主体制，就越能够清晰地认识到它是一朵多么娇弱的花儿。民主不仅不会在任何地方任何时期轻易地出现，而且它在历史上更是珍稀和脆弱的。从时空的范畴来看，民主发生和繁荣的情况太少了。尽管如此，美国和瑞士仍然拥有世界上最古老的两个民主共和运行体制。我们政府中的某些人认为他们可以努力将我们的体制移植到其他地方，但是民主需要的不仅仅是大众普选领导人的制度。真正的民主包括正当的法律程序、少数族群的权利、独立的媒体、各种自由权利的保留，以及教会和国家的有效分离。如果没有这些基本的因素，多数票决只能是像一位明智的幽默大家所说的：一群狼和一只羊投票决定午餐吃什么。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处
民主制度本身也受到了这一趋势的危害。我们所珍视的政府体制并不是什么理所当然的事物。你对世界各国的政府了解得越多，就越应该感谢我们的民主体制，就越能够清晰地认识到它是一朵多么娇弱的花儿。民主不仅不会在任何地方任何时期轻易地出现，而且它在历史上更是珍稀和脆弱的。从时空的范畴来看，民主发生和繁荣的情况太少了。尽管如此，美国和瑞士仍然拥有世界上最古老的两个民主共和运行体制。我们政府中的某些人认为他们可以努力将我们的体制移植到其他地方，但是民主需要的不仅仅是大众普选领导人的制度。真正的民主包括正当的法律程序、少数族群的权利、独立的媒体、各种自由权利的保留，以及教会和国家的有效分离。如果没有这些基本的因素，多数票决只能是像一位明智的幽默大家所说的：一群狼和一只羊投票决定午餐吃什么。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处
At its fundamental core, democracy requires as a precondition a healthy measure of pluralism — an underlying society with a wide distribution of money and power. Although they are nicely symbiotic, democracy and a market economy are not the same, and democracy is certainly not identical to prosperity. America’s attachment to a market economy is relatively robust and its prosperity secure … as long as we can maintain our culture of challenge and innovation.
在其本质核心上，民主需要一个先决条件：保持健康的多元化程度——即社会财富和权力的广泛分配。尽管民主和市场经济是共生的，但两者并不相同，而且民主绝不等同于繁荣。美国与市场经济之间的依附关系相对强壮，只要我们能够保持我们的挑战和创新文化，美国的繁荣就可以保证。
在其本质核心上，民主需要一个先决条件：保持健康的多元化程度——即社会财富和权力的广泛分配。尽管民主和市场经济是共生的，但两者并不相同，而且民主绝不等同于繁荣。美国与市场经济之间的依附关系相对强壮，只要我们能够保持我们的挑战和创新文化，美国的繁荣就可以保证。
The threat is that we may find ourselves living in a market economy where a tiny fraction of the people and a small number of institutions reap virtually all of the rewards and make all of the social and economic policy decisions, presumably with a bias toward serving their own interests. This would be a democracy in name only. True democracy is surely not the most natural form of government for human beings, and perhaps it is only barely compatible with human nature, but it may well be mankind’s greatest invention. And the growing degree of concentration of wealth and power in our country today threatens its continuation. If our pluralism erodes, with it will vanish America’s brightest gem.
但是危险在于，我们可能会发现在我们所生活的这个市场经济中，有一小部分人和少数机构实际上拿走了所有的奖赏，他们在制定所有的社会经济决策，而且很可能私心里只服务于他们自己的利益。这样的民主只是徒有虚名。真正的民主当然并不是适于人类的最自然的政府体制，可能它也只是与人类本性勉强共融，但是它却可能是人类最伟大的创造。而我们国家目前日益上升的财富和权力集中度却威胁到了民主的持续性。如果我们的多元性遭到腐蚀，随之消失的还有美国最瑰丽的宝石。
但是危险在于，我们可能会发现在我们所生活的这个市场经济中，有一小部分人和少数机构实际上拿走了所有的奖赏，他们在制定所有的社会经济决策，而且很可能私心里只服务于他们自己的利益。这样的民主只是徒有虚名。真正的民主当然并不是适于人类的最自然的政府体制，可能它也只是与人类本性勉强共融，但是它却可能是人类最伟大的创造。而我们国家目前日益上升的财富和权力集中度却威胁到了民主的持续性。如果我们的多元性遭到腐蚀，随之消失的还有美国最瑰丽的宝石。
Some political economists will tell you that wealth and income disparities don’t matter because large distinctions in a mobile society spur ambition to succeed. But America is rapidly becoming less mobile as the distinctions grow. More wealth held tightly in the hands of fewer families implies a diminishing reward for hard, honest work on the part of everyone else
一些政治经济学家会告诉你，财富和收入差距不会产生很大影响，因为一个流动社会中的巨大差异性会激发成功的雄心。但是随着这种收入差距的增长，美国社会的流动性也在迅速减弱。更多的财富紧攥在少数家庭的手中，这意味着其余那些人所付出的辛劳和诚恳工作所获得的回报越来越少。
一些政治经济学家会告诉你，财富和收入差距不会产生很大影响，因为一个流动社会中的巨大差异性会激发成功的雄心。但是随着这种收入差距的增长，美国社会的流动性也在迅速减弱。更多的财富紧攥在少数家庭的手中，这意味着其余那些人所付出的辛劳和诚恳工作所获得的回报越来越少。
Evan Gadowski lives in Boston, MA
No. Don’t me wrong - I feel the angst of many Americans in their 20s and 30s about the stagnating wages and the ever-rising cost of living, especially in my hometown. I strongly believe we need better social safety networks.
On the other hand, a lot of this bitterness and cynicism that people cannot possibly succeed in this country is perpetrated by millenials with college degrees that didn’t pan out. They also forget the Baby Boomer generation in which millions of Americans made the leap from working-class to affluent middle-class was an unprecedented blip in history. Many Americans in previous generations have always felt left behind by upheavals and changes. Our system has always been, when compared to the post-WWII societies of Canada and Western Europe, much more “sink or swim”. And there have always been Americans with “useless” college degrees who struggled. Meanwhile, there are still countless stories of immigrants coming to this country to pursue their idea of “the Dream” and succeeding.
【回答】住在波士顿马萨诸塞州
没有。不要误解我的意思，我感受到了许多二三十岁的美国人对工资停滞不前和生活成本不断上升的焦虑，尤其是在我的家乡。我坚信我们需要更好的社会安全网络。
另一方面，这种“人们不可能在这个国家获得成功“的辛酸和愤世嫉俗的心态，很大一部分都是由拥有大学学位但没有成功的千禧一代造成的。他们也忘记了婴儿潮一代，在这一代人中，数百万美国人从工人阶级一跃成为富裕的中产阶级，这是历史上前所未有的。前几代的许多美国人总是觉得自己被动荡和变化抛在了后面。与二战后的加拿大和西欧社会相比，我们的体制一直是“沉浮不定”。而一直以来都有拥有“无用”大学学位的美国人在苦苦挣扎。同时，还有无数移民来到这个国家追求他们的“梦想”并取得成功的故事。
No. Don’t me wrong - I feel the angst of many Americans in their 20s and 30s about the stagnating wages and the ever-rising cost of living, especially in my hometown. I strongly believe we need better social safety networks.
On the other hand, a lot of this bitterness and cynicism that people cannot possibly succeed in this country is perpetrated by millenials with college degrees that didn’t pan out. They also forget the Baby Boomer generation in which millions of Americans made the leap from working-class to affluent middle-class was an unprecedented blip in history. Many Americans in previous generations have always felt left behind by upheavals and changes. Our system has always been, when compared to the post-WWII societies of Canada and Western Europe, much more “sink or swim”. And there have always been Americans with “useless” college degrees who struggled. Meanwhile, there are still countless stories of immigrants coming to this country to pursue their idea of “the Dream” and succeeding.
【回答】住在波士顿马萨诸塞州
没有。不要误解我的意思，我感受到了许多二三十岁的美国人对工资停滞不前和生活成本不断上升的焦虑，尤其是在我的家乡。我坚信我们需要更好的社会安全网络。
另一方面，这种“人们不可能在这个国家获得成功“的辛酸和愤世嫉俗的心态，很大一部分都是由拥有大学学位但没有成功的千禧一代造成的。他们也忘记了婴儿潮一代，在这一代人中，数百万美国人从工人阶级一跃成为富裕的中产阶级，这是历史上前所未有的。前几代的许多美国人总是觉得自己被动荡和变化抛在了后面。与二战后的加拿大和西欧社会相比，我们的体制一直是“沉浮不定”。而一直以来都有拥有“无用”大学学位的美国人在苦苦挣扎。同时，还有无数移民来到这个国家追求他们的“梦想”并取得成功的故事。
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