详解美国如何通过“颜色革命”颠覆一个国家
正文翻译
In information space it is common to use the term “color revolutions” in reference to pre-mediated array of protests in various countries resulting in overthrow of the government. Actions with information/psychological impact and their resultant effects are widely used in such processes.Among the “color revolutions” the following are classical examples:
-Bulldozer Revolution in Serbia, 2000.
-Rose Revolution in Georgia, 2003.
-Orange Revolution in Ukraine, 2004.
-Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan, 2005.
-Revolution of Dignity, more widely known as Euromaidan, in Ukraine, 2013-2014.
在信息空间，"颜色革命"一词通常用于指在各国有预谋的一系列导致政府被推翻的抗议活动。在这些过程中，具有信息/心理影响的行动及其产生的影响被广泛使用。在“颜色革命”中，以下是一些经典的例子:
-2000年塞尔维亚的推土机革命。
-2003年格鲁吉亚的玫瑰革命。
-2004年乌克兰橙色革命。
-2005年吉尔吉斯斯坦郁金香革命。
-2013-2014年乌克兰尊严革命，更广为人知的名字是“欧洲独立”。
In information space it is common to use the term “color revolutions” in reference to pre-mediated array of protests in various countries resulting in overthrow of the government. Actions with information/psychological impact and their resultant effects are widely used in such processes.Among the “color revolutions” the following are classical examples:
-Bulldozer Revolution in Serbia, 2000.
-Rose Revolution in Georgia, 2003.
-Orange Revolution in Ukraine, 2004.
-Tulip Revolution in Kyrgyzstan, 2005.
-Revolution of Dignity, more widely known as Euromaidan, in Ukraine, 2013-2014.
在信息空间，"颜色革命"一词通常用于指在各国有预谋的一系列导致政府被推翻的抗议活动。在这些过程中，具有信息/心理影响的行动及其产生的影响被广泛使用。在“颜色革命”中，以下是一些经典的例子:
-2000年塞尔维亚的推土机革命。
-2003年格鲁吉亚的玫瑰革命。
-2004年乌克兰橙色革命。
-2005年吉尔吉斯斯坦郁金香革命。
-2013-2014年乌克兰尊严革命，更广为人知的名字是“欧洲独立”。
This list can be expanded by Lotus Revolution in Egypt, and coup d'état in Tunisia that occurred in the context of Arab Spring, which started in 2011. Some scholars also consider the 1990-1991 Liberal Revolution in Russia was also a “color” one. There have been a number of unsuccessful (to one or another extent) attempts of such revolutions in Belarus (2006), Armenia (2008), Moldova (2009), Russia (the so-called Bolotnaya Revolution1 in 2011-2013) and China (Jasmine Revolution in 2011). In the latter case the activists were even able to temporarily capture a TV station in Shanghai and voice their obxtives in a live broadcast).
埃及的莲花革命和2011年开始的阿拉伯之春背景下突尼斯的政变都可以扩展这个列表。一些学者也认为1990-1991年俄罗斯的自由主义革命也是一种“颜色”革命。在白俄罗斯(2006年)、亚美尼亚(2008年)、摩尔多瓦(2009年)、俄罗斯(2011-2013年所谓的博洛特纳亚革命)和中国(2011年茉莉花革命)，都有一些不成功的革命尝试。在后来的事件中，活动人士甚至可以暂时占领sh的一个电视台，并在现场直播中表达他们的目标。
埃及的莲花革命和2011年开始的阿拉伯之春背景下突尼斯的政变都可以扩展这个列表。一些学者也认为1990-1991年俄罗斯的自由主义革命也是一种“颜色”革命。在白俄罗斯(2006年)、亚美尼亚(2008年)、摩尔多瓦(2009年)、俄罗斯(2011-2013年所谓的博洛特纳亚革命)和中国(2011年茉莉花革命)，都有一些不成功的革命尝试。在后来的事件中，活动人士甚至可以暂时占领sh的一个电视台，并在现场直播中表达他们的目标。
As seen, the “color revolutions” or attempts of those happen quite often and thus, they have become an element of modern politics. In the course of the history, there certainly have been revolutions (French, English, Russian or Chinese) caused by social and economic order, and the need of relevant changes in political system. However, the above mentioned examples of “color revolutions” were totally different in their nature and goals. This new type of revolutions is mainly based on geopolitical and geo-economic factors, and is a continuation of politics by some superpowers through use of the so-called “soft power”. At the same time, “color revolutions” and attempts to implement them imply some preconditions, among which the following have to be emphasized:
External reasons and prerequisites of “color revolutions”: As it is known, after the collapse of the USSR, the end of Cold War has been heralded numerous times at some very high political levels. However, traditional geopolitical and geo-economic antagonisms between the West, Russia and new superpower China evolved tremendously. Apparently, a new, Second Cold War is unfolding at global level, the arsenal of which includes new concepts of information/psychological warfare and methodologies of their application widely utilized in the situation arisen. Moreover, in conditions of the current multipolar world order, a significant role in such operations is played not only militarily and economically advanced countries, but also non-government organizations that possess great resources. In multi-faceted conflicts, in order to weaken the adversary, or in some cases overthrow the government, the controversies within specific countries are used, particularly those related to human rights or election irregularities. In this aspect, the following approaches are worth mentioning:
显然，“颜色革命”或这些人的企图经常发生，因此，它们已成为现代政治的一个元素。在历史的进程中，由于社会和经济秩序，一定发生过革命(法、英、俄、中)，也需要对政治制度进行相关改革。然而，上述“颜色革命”的例子在性质和目标上完全不同。这种新型革命主要基于地缘政治和地缘经济因素，是一些超级大国利用所谓“软实力”进行政治的延续。与此同时，“颜色革命”及其实施的尝试实现了一些先决条件，其中必须强调以下几点:
“颜色革命”的外部原因和先决条件：正如我们所知，在苏联解体后，冷战的结束已经在一些非常高的政治级别上多次宣告。然而，西方、俄罗斯和新兴超级大国中国之间传统的地缘政治和地缘经济对抗发生了巨大的变化。显然，一场新的第二次冷战正在全球范围内展开，其中包括信息战/心理战的新概念和在出现的局势中广泛使用的应用方法。此外，在目前多极世界秩序的条件下，不仅军事和经济发达的国家，而且拥有大量资源的非政府组织也在这种行动中发挥重要作用。在多方面的冲突中，为了削弱对手，或在某些情况下推翻政府，利用了特定国家内部的争议，特别是与人权或选举舞弊有关的争议。在这方面，值得一提的有以下几种途径:
External reasons and prerequisites of “color revolutions”: As it is known, after the collapse of the USSR, the end of Cold War has been heralded numerous times at some very high political levels. However, traditional geopolitical and geo-economic antagonisms between the West, Russia and new superpower China evolved tremendously. Apparently, a new, Second Cold War is unfolding at global level, the arsenal of which includes new concepts of information/psychological warfare and methodologies of their application widely utilized in the situation arisen. Moreover, in conditions of the current multipolar world order, a significant role in such operations is played not only militarily and economically advanced countries, but also non-government organizations that possess great resources. In multi-faceted conflicts, in order to weaken the adversary, or in some cases overthrow the government, the controversies within specific countries are used, particularly those related to human rights or election irregularities. In this aspect, the following approaches are worth mentioning:
显然，“颜色革命”或这些人的企图经常发生，因此，它们已成为现代政治的一个元素。在历史的进程中，由于社会和经济秩序，一定发生过革命(法、英、俄、中)，也需要对政治制度进行相关改革。然而，上述“颜色革命”的例子在性质和目标上完全不同。这种新型革命主要基于地缘政治和地缘经济因素，是一些超级大国利用所谓“软实力”进行政治的延续。与此同时，“颜色革命”及其实施的尝试实现了一些先决条件，其中必须强调以下几点:
“颜色革命”的外部原因和先决条件：正如我们所知，在苏联解体后，冷战的结束已经在一些非常高的政治级别上多次宣告。然而，西方、俄罗斯和新兴超级大国中国之间传统的地缘政治和地缘经济对抗发生了巨大的变化。显然，一场新的第二次冷战正在全球范围内展开，其中包括信息战/心理战的新概念和在出现的局势中广泛使用的应用方法。此外，在目前多极世界秩序的条件下，不仅军事和经济发达的国家，而且拥有大量资源的非政府组织也在这种行动中发挥重要作用。在多方面的冲突中，为了削弱对手，或在某些情况下推翻政府，利用了特定国家内部的争议，特别是与人权或选举舞弊有关的争议。在这方面，值得一提的有以下几种途径:
1. An attempt of “color revolution” is made in the adversary country, but it is aimed not at overthrowing the government, which is impossible due to a number of reasons. The goal for “revolutionary” actions in such situation is a large-scale show in information space that negatively affects the reputation of the adversary. As a result, for example, economic indicators of such country deteriorate (so-called “effects”). Also, the “actively protesting” groups in adversary country cause additional complications in domestic policies. The Bolotnaya Revolution in Russia and Jasmine revolution in China are examples of such revolutions.
1.敌对国试图进行“颜色革命”，但其目的不是推翻政府，这是不可能的，原因有很多。在这种情况下，“革命”行动的目标是在信息空间中大规模展示，对对手的声誉产生负面影响。结果，例如，这些国家的经济指标恶化(所谓“影响”)。此外，敌国的“积极抗议”团体给国内政策带来了额外的复杂性。俄罗斯的波洛特纳亚革命和中国的茉莉花革命就是这样的革命。
1.敌对国试图进行“颜色革命”，但其目的不是推翻政府，这是不可能的，原因有很多。在这种情况下，“革命”行动的目标是在信息空间中大规模展示，对对手的声誉产生负面影响。结果，例如，这些国家的经济指标恶化(所谓“影响”)。此外，敌国的“积极抗议”团体给国内政策带来了额外的复杂性。俄罗斯的波洛特纳亚革命和中国的茉莉花革命就是这样的革命。
2. A “color revolution” is executed not in the adversary country, but in a country under the latter’s influence; the country’s escape from the adversary’s sphere of influence weakens its political, economic and other positions in the region. The most vivid examples of this are the 2003 Rose Revolution in Georgia and the Ukrainian revolution in 2013. Their obvious goals were to pull these countries away from Russia in civilizational, political and economic sense. Societies that carry out such revolution typically find themselves in a hot seat. For example, Georgia launched a war in South Ossetia and effectively, lost this territory for good, while Ukraine lost Crimea, got an uncertain situation in Donbass and Lugansk, and the Ukrainian GDP diminished 2.5 times between 2014 and 2015. Hence, the only purpose of such revolutions is creation of long-term tensions between the adversary and “target country”, the interests of which are served in no manner. Worded differently, the well-known principle “the worse, the better” is in action.
2.“颜色革命”不是发生在敌对国，而是发生在受敌对国影响的国家；该国脱离了对手的势力范围，削弱了其在该地区的政治、经济和其他地位。最生动的例子是2003年格鲁吉亚的玫瑰革命和2013年乌克兰革命。他们明显的目标是让这些国家在文明、政治和经济上远离俄罗斯。进行这种革命的社会通常会发现自己处于一个尴尬的境地。例如，格鲁吉亚在南奥塞梯发动战争，实际上永远失去了这片领土，而乌克兰失去了克里米亚，顿巴斯和卢甘斯克局势不稳定，乌克兰的GDP在2014年到2015年之间减少了2.5倍。因此，这种革命的唯一目的是在敌国和“目标国”之间制造长期的紧张关系，而这完全不符合目标国的利益。换句话说，众所周知的“越糟糕越好”原则正在发挥作用。
2.“颜色革命”不是发生在敌对国，而是发生在受敌对国影响的国家；该国脱离了对手的势力范围，削弱了其在该地区的政治、经济和其他地位。最生动的例子是2003年格鲁吉亚的玫瑰革命和2013年乌克兰革命。他们明显的目标是让这些国家在文明、政治和经济上远离俄罗斯。进行这种革命的社会通常会发现自己处于一个尴尬的境地。例如，格鲁吉亚在南奥塞梯发动战争，实际上永远失去了这片领土，而乌克兰失去了克里米亚，顿巴斯和卢甘斯克局势不稳定，乌克兰的GDP在2014年到2015年之间减少了2.5倍。因此，这种革命的唯一目的是在敌国和“目标国”之间制造长期的紧张关系，而这完全不符合目标国的利益。换句话说，众所周知的“越糟糕越好”原则正在发挥作用。
3. The strategic goal of “color revolutions” is to create a regional “instability zone” around the adversary or even allied countries. As a result, the countries in the region encounter various problems. Examples of such large-scale operations are the “revolutions” in the Greater Middle East, in aftermath of which ISIS emerged, while Syria, Iraq and Libya pitched headfirst into chaos and other countries of the region face instability. This situation is a threat both for Russia and China, because the extremism and chaos reigning in the region may be (and in some case already are) exported to the territory of these countries. The European allies of the USA also face enormous problems related to millions of migrants that leave their region for Europe, and this can be considered as а “strait-jacket” for “friends”.
3.“颜色革命”的战略目标是在对手甚至盟国周围建立一个地区“不稳定区”。因此，该地区的国家遇到了各种各样的问题。这种大规模行动的例子是大中东地区的“革命”，ISIS在革命后出现，而叙利亚、伊拉克和利比亚则陷入混乱，该地区的其他国家也面临不稳定。这种情况对俄罗斯和中国都是一种威胁，因为统治该地区的极端主义和混乱可能(在某些情况下已经)输出到这些国家的领土上。美国的欧洲盟友也面临着数百万移民离开他们的地区前往欧洲的巨大问题，这可以被视为“朋友”的“紧身衣”。
3.“颜色革命”的战略目标是在对手甚至盟国周围建立一个地区“不稳定区”。因此，该地区的国家遇到了各种各样的问题。这种大规模行动的例子是大中东地区的“革命”，ISIS在革命后出现，而叙利亚、伊拉克和利比亚则陷入混乱，该地区的其他国家也面临不稳定。这种情况对俄罗斯和中国都是一种威胁，因为统治该地区的极端主义和混乱可能(在某些情况下已经)输出到这些国家的领土上。美国的欧洲盟友也面临着数百万移民离开他们的地区前往欧洲的巨大问题，这可以被视为“朋友”的“紧身衣”。
Stirring intestine strife in adversary’s society is not a new method. However, modern approaches differ not only in that they aggregate and systemize the past experiences. Importantly, these revolutionary approaches are programmed and implemented in the context of overall global strategy and total “cold” war, where information and psychological operations are the most important, often the decisive factor. In this sense, modern political and information developments have to be viewed in a “single package”.
At the same time, while in the past only data from intelligence and diplomatic services were needed to create instability in one or another country, now the influencer tries to obtain as comprehensive as possible information on the targeted society. Special attention is paid to the political, socioeconomic conditions, study of psychological and value system of the population. Obviously, only knowledge of this sort makes possible to effectively organize and use the “revolutionary force” of the society. Such knowledge allows uncovering the critical infrastructures of the society, which increases the efficiency of operations. Thus, the necessity to command knowledge on targeted society can be perceived as the main condition in the perspective of arranging an external intervention.
在对手的社会里挑起内讧并不是什么新奇的方法。然而，现代方法的不同之处在于，它们不仅聚集和系统化了过去的经验。重要的是，这些革命性的方法是在全球总体战略和全面“冷战”的背景下制定和实施的，在这种情况下，信息和心理战是最重要的，往往是决定性的因素。从这个意义上说，现代政治和信息发展必须以“单一的一揽子方案”来看待。
与此同时，虽然过去只需要情报和外交部门的资料就可以在另一个国家制造不稳定，现在，影响者试图获得关于目标社会的尽可能全面的信息。特别注意政治、社会经济状况，研究人口的心理和价值体系。
显然，只有这样的知识，才能有效地组织和利用社会的“革命力量”。这些知识可以揭示社会的关键基础结构，从而提高运作的效率。因此，从安排外部干预的角度来看，掌握目标社会知识的必要性可以被视为主要条件。
At the same time, while in the past only data from intelligence and diplomatic services were needed to create instability in one or another country, now the influencer tries to obtain as comprehensive as possible information on the targeted society. Special attention is paid to the political, socioeconomic conditions, study of psychological and value system of the population. Obviously, only knowledge of this sort makes possible to effectively organize and use the “revolutionary force” of the society. Such knowledge allows uncovering the critical infrastructures of the society, which increases the efficiency of operations. Thus, the necessity to command knowledge on targeted society can be perceived as the main condition in the perspective of arranging an external intervention.
在对手的社会里挑起内讧并不是什么新奇的方法。然而，现代方法的不同之处在于，它们不仅聚集和系统化了过去的经验。重要的是，这些革命性的方法是在全球总体战略和全面“冷战”的背景下制定和实施的，在这种情况下，信息和心理战是最重要的，往往是决定性的因素。从这个意义上说，现代政治和信息发展必须以“单一的一揽子方案”来看待。
与此同时，虽然过去只需要情报和外交部门的资料就可以在另一个国家制造不稳定，现在，影响者试图获得关于目标社会的尽可能全面的信息。特别注意政治、社会经济状况，研究人口的心理和价值体系。
显然，只有这样的知识，才能有效地组织和利用社会的“革命力量”。这些知识可以揭示社会的关键基础结构，从而提高运作的效率。因此，从安排外部干预的角度来看，掌握目标社会知识的必要性可以被视为主要条件。
Internal prerequisites of “color revolutions”: Not in all countries “color revolutions” are possible to implement. If in the ideological, scientific, technological, social and economic areas of a society effective examples and rules are in place, then the possibility of revolutions in such country can be considered only theoretically. However, ideal society is a utopia.
In all other cases, if the society has big problems and no trend is noticeable for their solution, then such country may at least become a target for active operations (of course, if the intended changes coincide with the strategy of the influencer). This factor has to be considered the main internal prerequisite for implementation of a color revolution in a specific country.
However, not all societies are ready to undertake radical steps and government overthrow, even if the problems obxtively exist. In this context the primary task of the revolution organizers is to form the needed forces and infrastructures in the targeted societies, which can assist, and if necessary, actively participate in revolutionary processes.
“颜色革命”的内在前提:并非所有国家都有可能实现“颜色革命”。如果在一个社会的思想、科学、技术、社会和经济领域都有有效的范例和规则，那么这个国家发生革命的可能性只能从理论上考虑。然而，理想社会是一个乌托邦。
在其他情况下，如果这个社会有很大的问题，而且没有明显的解决趋势，那么这个国家至少可以成为积极行动的目标(当然，如果预期的改变与影响者的战略相一致)。这个因素必须被认为是在一个特定国家实施颜色革命的主要内部先决条件。
然而，并不是所有的社会都准备采取激进的措施和推翻政府，即使问题客观上存在。在这方面，革命组织者的主要任务是在目标社会中形成必要的力量和基础结构，以便协助并在必要时积极参与革命进程。
In all other cases, if the society has big problems and no trend is noticeable for their solution, then such country may at least become a target for active operations (of course, if the intended changes coincide with the strategy of the influencer). This factor has to be considered the main internal prerequisite for implementation of a color revolution in a specific country.
However, not all societies are ready to undertake radical steps and government overthrow, even if the problems obxtively exist. In this context the primary task of the revolution organizers is to form the needed forces and infrastructures in the targeted societies, which can assist, and if necessary, actively participate in revolutionary processes.
“颜色革命”的内在前提:并非所有国家都有可能实现“颜色革命”。如果在一个社会的思想、科学、技术、社会和经济领域都有有效的范例和规则，那么这个国家发生革命的可能性只能从理论上考虑。然而，理想社会是一个乌托邦。
在其他情况下，如果这个社会有很大的问题，而且没有明显的解决趋势，那么这个国家至少可以成为积极行动的目标(当然，如果预期的改变与影响者的战略相一致)。这个因素必须被认为是在一个特定国家实施颜色革命的主要内部先决条件。
然而，并不是所有的社会都准备采取激进的措施和推翻政府，即使问题客观上存在。在这方面，革命组织者的主要任务是在目标社会中形成必要的力量和基础结构，以便协助并在必要时积极参与革命进程。
These are various non-government organizations (NGO) financed by international structures. Experts estimate that in post-Soviet countries their number comprises several tens of thousands. In Ukraine alone, the number of experts that receive grants from international funds is about 40,000. These are the people who actively participate in “round tables” and rallies, become organizers and leaders of “revolutionary” movements. Unsurprisingly, in some countries these organizations are legally ascribed the status of an “agent”, which to some extent limits their potential activities.
这些是由国际结构资助的各种非政府组织。专家估计，在后苏联国家，这一数字高达数万人。仅在乌克兰，接受国际基金赠款的专家人数约为4万人。这些人积极参加“圆桌会议”和集会，成为“革命”运动的组织者和领导者。毫不奇怪，在一些国家，这些组织在法律上被赋予“代理人”的地位，这在某种程度上限制了它们的潜在活动。
这些是由国际结构资助的各种非政府组织。专家估计，在后苏联国家，这一数字高达数万人。仅在乌克兰，接受国际基金赠款的专家人数约为4万人。这些人积极参加“圆桌会议”和集会，成为“革命”运动的组织者和领导者。毫不奇怪，在一些国家，这些组织在法律上被赋予“代理人”的地位，这在某种程度上限制了它们的潜在活动。
In preparing revolutions an important role is played by the so-called “agents of influence”. These are persons who exert influence on political circles and public opinion and represent interests of other countries in their own country. It has to be noted that recruiting such people does not involve methods featured in “spy movies”. In the context of the discussed problem， these could be simply people who are adherents of the political/ideological vector of the country or entity by which the revolution is organized. Such people or organizations are inclined to be not guided by the interests of own country, when it is needed, but rather by their own worldview conceptions or the specific advice they receive from foreign structures. In the politics, these persons are considered not traitors of their homeland, but of the national interests, while in influencing countries they receive a lot more pompous name: “evangelists of democracy”.
在准备革命方面，所谓的“影响者”发挥了重要作用。这些人对政界和舆论产生影响，在自己的国家代表其他国家的利益。必须指出的是，招募这样的人并不涉及“间谍电影”中出现的方法。在讨论的问题的背景下，这些人可能只是组织革命的国家或实体的政治/意识形态载体的追随者。这些人或组织倾向于在必要时不受本国利益的影响，而是受他们自己的世界观概念或从外国机构获得的具体建议的指导。在政治上，这些人不被认为是祖国的叛徒，而是国家利益的叛徒，而在影响国家方面，他们有一个更浮夸的名字:“民主传道者”。
在准备革命方面，所谓的“影响者”发挥了重要作用。这些人对政界和舆论产生影响，在自己的国家代表其他国家的利益。必须指出的是，招募这样的人并不涉及“间谍电影”中出现的方法。在讨论的问题的背景下，这些人可能只是组织革命的国家或实体的政治/意识形态载体的追随者。这些人或组织倾向于在必要时不受本国利益的影响，而是受他们自己的世界观概念或从外国机构获得的具体建议的指导。在政治上，这些人不被认为是祖国的叛徒，而是国家利益的叛徒，而在影响国家方面，他们有一个更浮夸的名字:“民主传道者”。
At the same time it is wrong to think that all implementers of color revolutions are agents of another country or members of grant receiving NGOs. A certain part among those who participate in protest actions is comprised of regular citizens of the country (mostly residents of the capital city where the main events unfold), who want to see more justice and prosperity in their country. This part of population is influenced by a well-developed information/psychological impact and thus, assumes the role of the “people” in revolution. As demonstrated by the Ukrainian events, after a short while following the coup, this segment of the people are the ones who feel bitter disappointment when they see the ramifications of the revolution.
同时，认为所有颜色革命的实施者都是其他国家的代理人或接受赠款的非政府组织的成员是错误的。在参与抗议活动的人群中，有一部分是该国的普通公民(主要是发生主要事件的首都的居民)，他们希望在自己的国家看到更多的正义和繁荣。这部分人口受到发达的信息/心理冲击的影响，因此在革命中承担起"人民"的作用。正如乌克兰事件所表明的那样，在政变之后的一段时间内，这部分人民在看到革命的后果时感到极度失望。
同时，认为所有颜色革命的实施者都是其他国家的代理人或接受赠款的非政府组织的成员是错误的。在参与抗议活动的人群中，有一部分是该国的普通公民(主要是发生主要事件的首都的居民)，他们希望在自己的国家看到更多的正义和繁荣。这部分人口受到发达的信息/心理冲击的影响，因此在革命中承担起"人民"的作用。正如乌克兰事件所表明的那样，在政变之后的一段时间内，这部分人民在看到革命的后果时感到极度失望。
An important role is played by mass media that receive assistance from foreign structures, and also from the above mentioned NGOs (among which there are many “fighters for freedom of speech and media”). From the perspective of information influence it is remarkable that virtually all revolutions have attractive names (except the Serbian Bulldozer Revolution, after which the country was bombarded in 1999, and that can be perceived as continuation of the force show politics): Rose, Tulip, Orange, etc. Under pertinent news coverage these names become sort of brands, which in turn help attracting new adherents of a revolutionary movement.
接受外国机构和上述非政府组织援助的大众媒体发挥了重要作用(其中有许多“言论和媒体自由斗士”)。从信息影响的角度来看，值得注意的是，几乎所有革命都有吸引人的名字(除了塞尔维亚推土机革命，该国在1999年遭到轰炸，该革命可以被视为武力秀政治的延续):玫瑰、郁金香、橙色等。在相关的新闻报道下，这些名字成了某种品牌，反过来又有助于吸引革命运动的新追随者。
接受外国机构和上述非政府组织援助的大众媒体发挥了重要作用(其中有许多“言论和媒体自由斗士”)。从信息影响的角度来看，值得注意的是，几乎所有革命都有吸引人的名字(除了塞尔维亚推土机革命，该国在1999年遭到轰炸，该革命可以被视为武力秀政治的延续):玫瑰、郁金香、橙色等。在相关的新闻报道下，这些名字成了某种品牌，反过来又有助于吸引革命运动的新追随者。
To summarize the mentioned factors, it can be accepted that internal prerequisites of programmed revolutions are as follows:
- Existence of internal problems in the targeted societies;
- Existence of the necessary and sufficient quantity, or so-called “critical mass” of structures, including those with information resources, which represent the interests of the influencer in the targeted country.
However, in this regard it has to be noted that activities of such structures imply certain possibilities of targeted funding.
Funding the color revolutions: It is assumed that one of the main resource centers for “revolutions” is the East European Democratic Center (Wschodnioeuropejskie Centrum Demokratyczne, WECD) headquartered in Warsaw. This organization was established and is financed by the Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe (IDEE).
综上所述，可以接受的是，计划变革的内部先决条件如下:
-目标社会存在的内部问题;
-存在必要和足够数量的结构，或所谓的"临界量"，包括那些具有信息资源的结构，代表影响者在目标国家的利益。
但是，在这方面必须指出，这种结构的活动意味着某些针对性提供资金的可能性。
资助颜色革命:据推测，“革命”的主要资源中心之一是东欧民主中心(Wschodnioeuropejskie Centrum Demokratyczne, WECD)，总部位于华沙。该组织是由东欧民主研究所设立和资助的。
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- Existence of internal problems in the targeted societies;
- Existence of the necessary and sufficient quantity, or so-called “critical mass” of structures, including those with information resources, which represent the interests of the influencer in the targeted country.
However, in this regard it has to be noted that activities of such structures imply certain possibilities of targeted funding.
Funding the color revolutions: It is assumed that one of the main resource centers for “revolutions” is the East European Democratic Center (Wschodnioeuropejskie Centrum Demokratyczne, WECD) headquartered in Warsaw. This organization was established and is financed by the Institute for Democracy in Eastern Europe (IDEE).
综上所述，可以接受的是，计划变革的内部先决条件如下:
-目标社会存在的内部问题;
-存在必要和足够数量的结构，或所谓的"临界量"，包括那些具有信息资源的结构，代表影响者在目标国家的利益。
但是，在这方面必须指出，这种结构的活动意味着某些针对性提供资金的可能性。
资助颜色革命:据推测，“革命”的主要资源中心之一是东欧民主中心(Wschodnioeuropejskie Centrum Demokratyczne, WECD)，总部位于华沙。该组织是由东欧民主研究所设立和资助的。
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The official website of WECD claims that they implement educational and training activities mostly for journalists, educators, regional publishers and NGO activists. In addition to the main programs, WECD collaborates with a number of scientific, research and analytic groups, cultural centers, as well as supports cultural and information publishing activities. The organization’s obxtives are indicated as: “spread of democratic ideology, assistance to civic endeavors and non-government programs, building open society, education on human rights and democratic freedoms, support to social and public reforms in post-communist countries.”
Some researchers note that revolutions and protest movements are also funded by Open Society Institute of George Soros, US-based International Republican Institute and National Democratic Institute, London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies and some others. Media reports suggest that only the latter invested about $100M in Serbian revolution. In this regard it has to be mentioned that color revolutions and other similar operations are incomparably less expensive in achieving geopolitical goals that military operations, which makes them attractive.
WECD的官方网站声称，他们主要为记者、教育工作者、地区出版商和非政府组织活动家开展教育和培训活动。除了主要项目外，WECD还与一些科学、研究和分析小组、文化中心合作，并支持文化和信息出版活动。该组织的目标是:“传播民主意识形态，协助民间活动和非政府项目，建设开放社会，教育人权和民主自由，支持后共产主义国家的社会和公共改革。”
一些研究人员指出，革命和抗议运动也得到了乔治·索罗斯的开放社会研究所、总部位于美国的国际共和研究所和国家民主研究所、总部位于伦敦的国际战略研究所等机构的资助。媒体报道称，只有后者在塞尔维亚革命中投资了大约1亿美元。在这方面，必须提到的是，颜色革命和其他类似行动在实现地缘政治目标方面比军事行动花费要小得多，这使它们具有吸引力。
Some researchers note that revolutions and protest movements are also funded by Open Society Institute of George Soros, US-based International Republican Institute and National Democratic Institute, London-based International Institute for Strategic Studies and some others. Media reports suggest that only the latter invested about $100M in Serbian revolution. In this regard it has to be mentioned that color revolutions and other similar operations are incomparably less expensive in achieving geopolitical goals that military operations, which makes them attractive.
WECD的官方网站声称，他们主要为记者、教育工作者、地区出版商和非政府组织活动家开展教育和培训活动。除了主要项目外，WECD还与一些科学、研究和分析小组、文化中心合作，并支持文化和信息出版活动。该组织的目标是:“传播民主意识形态，协助民间活动和非政府项目，建设开放社会，教育人权和民主自由，支持后共产主义国家的社会和公共改革。”
一些研究人员指出，革命和抗议运动也得到了乔治·索罗斯的开放社会研究所、总部位于美国的国际共和研究所和国家民主研究所、总部位于伦敦的国际战略研究所等机构的资助。媒体报道称，只有后者在塞尔维亚革命中投资了大约1亿美元。在这方面，必须提到的是，颜色革命和其他类似行动在实现地缘政治目标方面比军事行动花费要小得多，这使它们具有吸引力。
However, even all of the above is not enough to cause mass rallies, riots and consequent coups in targeted countries. In Tsarist Russia Bolsheviks meticulously developed revolutionary methods, and in the party’s internal communications there was a concept of “professional revolutionary”. The Bolsheviks could never dream though, that time will come when revolutionary activities turn into technological process and professional revolutionaries will be “produced” in thousands.
“Color revolution” technologies. In his young years Gene Sharp was fascinated by the ideology of permanent revolutions of Lev Trotsky, one of the Bolshevik leaders, and also by the philosophy of non-violent actions in politics of Mahatma Gandhi, the leader of India’s independence movement. Perhaps, influence of these incompatible ideologies (Bolsheviks, and especially Trotsky, were known for their intolerance and cruelty) was the foundation based on which Sharp published his quite voluminous work The Politics of Nonviolent Action (where incidentally, some technologies of violent actions are also present) [3]. The book presents in detail 198 methods to carry out political struggle, which can be divided in three main categories:
1. Nonviolent protest and persuasion;
2. Social, economic and political noncooperation;
3. Nonviolent intervention.
然而，即使上述所有因素都不足以在目标国家引发大规模集会、暴动和随后的政变。在沙俄，布尔什维克一丝不苟地发展革命方法，在党的内部交流中有一个“专业革命”的概念。布尔什维克做梦也想不到，革命活动变成技术过程的那一天终将到来，成千上万的专业革命者将被“生产”出来。
“颜色革命”技术。年轻时，吉恩·夏普着迷于布尔什维克领导人之一列夫·托洛茨基的永久革命思想，也着迷于印度独立运动领袖圣雄甘地的非暴力政治哲学。也许，这些互不相容的意识形态(布尔什维克，尤其是托洛茨基，以其不宽容和残忍而闻名)的影响是夏普出版其大量著作《非暴力行动的政治》的基础(顺便说一句，在这本书中，暴力行动的一些技术也出现了)。这本书详细介绍了198种进行政治斗争的方法，主要分为三类:
1.非暴力抗议和劝导；
2.社会、经济和政治上的不合作;
3.非暴力的干预。
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“Color revolution” technologies. In his young years Gene Sharp was fascinated by the ideology of permanent revolutions of Lev Trotsky, one of the Bolshevik leaders, and also by the philosophy of non-violent actions in politics of Mahatma Gandhi, the leader of India’s independence movement. Perhaps, influence of these incompatible ideologies (Bolsheviks, and especially Trotsky, were known for their intolerance and cruelty) was the foundation based on which Sharp published his quite voluminous work The Politics of Nonviolent Action (where incidentally, some technologies of violent actions are also present) [3]. The book presents in detail 198 methods to carry out political struggle, which can be divided in three main categories:
1. Nonviolent protest and persuasion;
2. Social, economic and political noncooperation;
3. Nonviolent intervention.
然而，即使上述所有因素都不足以在目标国家引发大规模集会、暴动和随后的政变。在沙俄，布尔什维克一丝不苟地发展革命方法，在党的内部交流中有一个“专业革命”的概念。布尔什维克做梦也想不到，革命活动变成技术过程的那一天终将到来，成千上万的专业革命者将被“生产”出来。
“颜色革命”技术。年轻时，吉恩·夏普着迷于布尔什维克领导人之一列夫·托洛茨基的永久革命思想，也着迷于印度独立运动领袖圣雄甘地的非暴力政治哲学。也许，这些互不相容的意识形态(布尔什维克，尤其是托洛茨基，以其不宽容和残忍而闻名)的影响是夏普出版其大量著作《非暴力行动的政治》的基础(顺便说一句，在这本书中，暴力行动的一些技术也出现了)。这本书详细介绍了198种进行政治斗争的方法，主要分为三类:
1.非暴力抗议和劝导；
2.社会、经济和政治上的不合作;
3.非暴力的干预。
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Many of nonviolent actions suggested by Sharp (rallies, petitions, strikes, hunger strikes, etc.) are quite common in any protest actions, but there are also some “novelties”. For example, in the Chapter Symbolic Public Acts it is recommended not only to light candles and torches, but also undress during rallies (which is enthusiastically performed by gender and LGTB activists). A special emphasis is placed on “artistic design” of rallies. It is suggested that protests are more effective when accompanied by songs, dances and theatrical performances. During Euromaidan rallies，the techniques of “love attack” were actively used to let everybody know how many beautiful ladies and flowers are present in Euromaidan. In the evenings the gathered protesters would light candles and sing the anthem of the country. Generally, the music component was used quite intensively in Euromaidan: enough to mention that there was a rock music concert uninterrupted for 14 days. The “Maidan songs” were mostly political. For example, two songs were the anthems revolution: “Orange sky” and “Together we are many”. The media pushed the thesis that there are hundreds of thousands or even millions of people in Maidan. However, “beautiful tools” were not the only ones used in Maidan. For example, it was announced and even “demonstrated” that those who are against Maidan are “gloomy and evil soldiers, old-timers, hooligans and criminals that support the government for money. This how the “image of enemy” was formed: as provocateurs with criminal past that beat women and children in protest rallies and get paid for that. The images of violence were followed by actual violent actions; in frantic shooting both protesters and law enforcement were killed. Consequently, in parallel to deepening political crisis, a new enemy image in South-West was discovered: Russian military terrorists.
夏普建议的许多非暴力行动(集会、请愿、罢工、绝食等)在任何抗议行动中都是相当常见的，但也有一些“新奇之处”。例如，在《象征性公共行为》一章中，建议不仅要点燃蜡烛和火把，而且要在集会中脱光衣服(性别和LGTB积极分子热情地进行集会)。特别强调集会的“艺术设计”。有人建议，当抗议活动伴随着歌曲、舞蹈和戏剧表演时，效果会更好。在抗议活动的集会中，积极运用“爱的攻击”的手法，让大家知道抗议活动中有多少美女和鲜花。晚上，聚集在一起的抗议者会点燃蜡烛，唱国歌。一般来说，音乐元素在抗议活动中被大量使用:值得一提的是，有一场摇滚音乐会持续了14天。“广场歌曲”大多是政治性的。例如，两首歌是革命颂歌:《橙色的天空》和《团结势众》。媒体宣扬的论点是，广场上有数十万甚至数百万人。然而，“漂亮的工具”并不是广场上使用的唯一工具。例如，它宣布甚至“证明”那些反对广场的人是“阴郁而邪恶的士兵、老者、流氓和为了钱而支持政府的罪犯”。暴力画面之后是实际的暴力行动；在疯狂的枪击中，抗议者和执法人员都被打死。因此，在政治危机不断加深的同时，西南地区又出现了一种新的敌人形象：俄罗斯军事恐怖分子。
夏普建议的许多非暴力行动(集会、请愿、罢工、绝食等)在任何抗议行动中都是相当常见的，但也有一些“新奇之处”。例如，在《象征性公共行为》一章中，建议不仅要点燃蜡烛和火把，而且要在集会中脱光衣服(性别和LGTB积极分子热情地进行集会)。特别强调集会的“艺术设计”。有人建议，当抗议活动伴随着歌曲、舞蹈和戏剧表演时，效果会更好。在抗议活动的集会中，积极运用“爱的攻击”的手法，让大家知道抗议活动中有多少美女和鲜花。晚上，聚集在一起的抗议者会点燃蜡烛，唱国歌。一般来说，音乐元素在抗议活动中被大量使用:值得一提的是，有一场摇滚音乐会持续了14天。“广场歌曲”大多是政治性的。例如，两首歌是革命颂歌:《橙色的天空》和《团结势众》。媒体宣扬的论点是，广场上有数十万甚至数百万人。然而，“漂亮的工具”并不是广场上使用的唯一工具。例如，它宣布甚至“证明”那些反对广场的人是“阴郁而邪恶的士兵、老者、流氓和为了钱而支持政府的罪犯”。暴力画面之后是实际的暴力行动；在疯狂的枪击中，抗议者和执法人员都被打死。因此，在政治危机不断加深的同时，西南地区又出现了一种新的敌人形象：俄罗斯军事恐怖分子。
Not all recommendations of Sharp can be considered even formally nonviolent. In paragraph 158 of Chapter Psychological Intervention one of the methods is “self-exposure to the elements”, which may include self-suffocation and self-immolation. Obviously, urging and preparing people to suicide is a direct violence against person.
Thus, application of Sharp’s methods implies training and preparedness of “professional revolutionaries”. For this purpose, even special structures were created. For example, Political Academy for Central and Southeast Europe was established in Bulgaria, where special trainings were organized for Serbian opposition. Balkan Academy of Leading Reporters provided financial and technical support to Serbian opposition media. There were also some special computer games. The well-known game A Force More Powerful was developed by International Center on Nonviolent Conflict, which, among other things, trains opposition activists in a simple format how to change the political situation in their countries.
In any case, the value of Sharp’s advices is in that he was able to aggregate and systemize the existing protest methods, provide a theoretical foundation for them and turn them into a political technology. Interestingly enough, he later founded the Albert Einstein Institution (“an attractive name”), which is financed, particularly, by National Democratic Institute and International Republican Institute that consistently support organizations involved in “color revolutions”.
并非夏普的所有建议都可以被视为正式的非暴力。在《心理干预》第158段中，其中一种方法是“自我暴露于环境中”，包括自我窒息和自焚。显然，怂恿和准备让人自杀是对人的直接暴力。
因此，夏普方法的应用意味着对“专业革命者”的训练和准备。为了这个目的，甚至还建造了特殊的建筑。例如，在保加利亚设立了中欧和东南欧政治学院，为塞尔维亚反对派组织了特别训练。巴尔干主要记者学院向塞尔维亚反对派媒体提供了财政和技术支助。还有一些特别的电脑游戏。国际非暴力冲突中心(International Center on Nonviolent Conflict)开发了一款著名的游戏《更强大的力量》(A Force More Powerful)。除了其他内容外，该中心用一种简单的形式训练反对派活动人士如何改变他们国家的政治局势。
不管怎样，夏普的建议的价值在于，他能够将现有的抗议方法进行整合和系统化，为其提供理论基础，并将其转化为一种政治技术。有趣的是，他后来成立了阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦研究所(“一个很吸引人的名字”)，特别是由国家民主研究所和国际共和研究所资助，这两个研究所一直支持参与“颜色革命”的组织。
Thus, application of Sharp’s methods implies training and preparedness of “professional revolutionaries”. For this purpose, even special structures were created. For example, Political Academy for Central and Southeast Europe was established in Bulgaria, where special trainings were organized for Serbian opposition. Balkan Academy of Leading Reporters provided financial and technical support to Serbian opposition media. There were also some special computer games. The well-known game A Force More Powerful was developed by International Center on Nonviolent Conflict, which, among other things, trains opposition activists in a simple format how to change the political situation in their countries.
In any case, the value of Sharp’s advices is in that he was able to aggregate and systemize the existing protest methods, provide a theoretical foundation for them and turn them into a political technology. Interestingly enough, he later founded the Albert Einstein Institution (“an attractive name”), which is financed, particularly, by National Democratic Institute and International Republican Institute that consistently support organizations involved in “color revolutions”.
并非夏普的所有建议都可以被视为正式的非暴力。在《心理干预》第158段中，其中一种方法是“自我暴露于环境中”，包括自我窒息和自焚。显然，怂恿和准备让人自杀是对人的直接暴力。
因此，夏普方法的应用意味着对“专业革命者”的训练和准备。为了这个目的，甚至还建造了特殊的建筑。例如，在保加利亚设立了中欧和东南欧政治学院，为塞尔维亚反对派组织了特别训练。巴尔干主要记者学院向塞尔维亚反对派媒体提供了财政和技术支助。还有一些特别的电脑游戏。国际非暴力冲突中心(International Center on Nonviolent Conflict)开发了一款著名的游戏《更强大的力量》(A Force More Powerful)。除了其他内容外，该中心用一种简单的形式训练反对派活动人士如何改变他们国家的政治局势。
不管怎样，夏普的建议的价值在于，他能够将现有的抗议方法进行整合和系统化，为其提供理论基础，并将其转化为一种政治技术。有趣的是，他后来成立了阿尔伯特·爱因斯坦研究所(“一个很吸引人的名字”)，特别是由国家民主研究所和国际共和研究所资助，这两个研究所一直支持参与“颜色革命”的组织。
However, protests are organized not only by advocates of liberal ideology, but also by their opponents. The most prominent one among such actions of protest so far is the Occupy Wall Street movement launched in 2011, aimed at “uncovering” and tearing down the modern “unjust capitalism” and “global economic system”. The movement was founded by a Canadian anti-consumerist NGO that periodically organized campaigns like “Buy Nothing Day” or “TV Turnoff Week”. The Occupy Wall Street call was quickly responded by many trade unxs, as well as tens of thousands of people. The renowned hacktivist group Anonymous assisted the movement in its characteristic manner, by carrying out hacking attacks on electronic systems of banks and exchanges. Interestingly, the polls organized by CBS and New York Times indicated that the movement enjoys support of some 43% of Americans, whereas only 27% oppose it.
然而，抗议活动不仅由自由主义意识形态的倡导者组织，也由他们的反对者组织。迄今为止，此类抗议行动中最突出的是2011年发起的“占领华尔街”运动，旨在“揭露”和推翻现代“不公正的资本主义”和“全球经济体系”。该运动是由加拿大一个反消费主义的非政府组织发起的，该组织定期组织“不买任何东西日”或“不看电视周”等活动。“占领华尔街”运动的号召很快得到了许多工会以及数以万计的民众的响应。著名的黑客组织“匿名者”以其特有的方式协助了这一运动，对银行和交易所的电子系统进行了黑客攻击。有趣的是，哥伦比亚广播公司和《纽约时报》组织的民意调查显示，该运动得到了43%的美国人的支持，而只有27%的人反对。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处
然而，抗议活动不仅由自由主义意识形态的倡导者组织，也由他们的反对者组织。迄今为止，此类抗议行动中最突出的是2011年发起的“占领华尔街”运动，旨在“揭露”和推翻现代“不公正的资本主义”和“全球经济体系”。该运动是由加拿大一个反消费主义的非政府组织发起的，该组织定期组织“不买任何东西日”或“不看电视周”等活动。“占领华尔街”运动的号召很快得到了许多工会以及数以万计的民众的响应。著名的黑客组织“匿名者”以其特有的方式协助了这一运动，对银行和交易所的电子系统进行了黑客攻击。有趣的是，哥伦比亚广播公司和《纽约时报》组织的民意调查显示，该运动得到了43%的美国人的支持，而只有27%的人反对。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处
As a result, protest marches, rallies and mass actions took place not only in the USA, but in many other countries. In 2016 in relation to the US presidential elections, protest actions were organized with slogans along the lines of “down with oligarchy and long live fair elections”. The organizers (including Noam Chomsky, a political scientist known for his dissident views) gave quite a resonant name to this movement: Democracy Spring. Thus, everything was done as prescribed by Gene Sharp…
In any case, it can be stated that Sharp’s technologies are widely used today both as intended (in political “color revolutions”) and in various other protest rallies the number of which grows by day all over the world. Moreover, sometimes these technologies are used by the “technologists” of the very same countries where protests take place, in order to “discharge” the tensions accumulated in the society.
结果，抗议游行、集会和大规模行动不仅发生在美国，而且发生在许多其他国家。2016年，针对美国总统大选，抗议活动组织起来，口号是“打倒寡头政治，公平选举万岁”。组织者(包括以持不同意见而闻名的政治学家诺姆·乔姆斯基)给这场运动起了一个相当响亮的名字:民主之春。因此，一切都按照吉恩·夏普的规定进行……
无论如何，可以这样说，夏普的技术在今天被广泛使用，无论是有意的(在政治“颜色革命”中)，还是在世界各地日益增多的各种其他抗议集会中。此外，有时这些技术被发生抗议的同一国家的"技术人员"用来"释放"社会中积累的紧张情绪。
In any case, it can be stated that Sharp’s technologies are widely used today both as intended (in political “color revolutions”) and in various other protest rallies the number of which grows by day all over the world. Moreover, sometimes these technologies are used by the “technologists” of the very same countries where protests take place, in order to “discharge” the tensions accumulated in the society.
结果，抗议游行、集会和大规模行动不仅发生在美国，而且发生在许多其他国家。2016年，针对美国总统大选，抗议活动组织起来，口号是“打倒寡头政治，公平选举万岁”。组织者(包括以持不同意见而闻名的政治学家诺姆·乔姆斯基)给这场运动起了一个相当响亮的名字:民主之春。因此，一切都按照吉恩·夏普的规定进行……
无论如何，可以这样说，夏普的技术在今天被广泛使用，无论是有意的(在政治“颜色革命”中)，还是在世界各地日益增多的各种其他抗议集会中。此外，有时这些技术被发生抗议的同一国家的"技术人员"用来"释放"社会中积累的紧张情绪。
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