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Raman
Public opinion on Indian politics reveals a mix of satisfaction and concern among citizens. Here are some key insights based on recent findings:
General Satisfaction and Optimism
Economic Improvement: A significant portion of the population (65%) believes that the financial situation of average Indians has improved over the past 20 years. Additionally, 66% of respondents express optimism that today's children will be better off than their parents, although this optimism has slightly declined since 2017.

印度政治的公众舆论显示了公民中既有满意也有担忧的复杂情绪。以下是根据最近调查结果的一些关键洞察：
普遍满意与乐观
经济改善：有相当一部分人口（65%）认为，过去20年中，普通印度人的经济状况有所改善。此外，66%的受访者表示乐观，认为今天的孩子会比他们的父母过得更好，不过自2017年以来这种乐观情绪有所下降。

Democratic Satisfaction: Over half (54%) of Indians are satisfied with how democracy is functioning in the country, although this figure has decreased from 79% in 2017. Satisfaction levels vary by political affiliation, with 75% of BJP supporters expressing satisfaction compared to only 42% of Congress supporters.

民主满意度：超过一半（54%）的印度人对国内民主运作感到满意，尽管这一比例从2017年的79%有所下降。满意度因政治立场而异，有75%的印度人民党（BJP）支持者表示满意，而国大党（Congress）支持者中只有42%表示满意。

Major Concerns
Corruption and Crime: A prent concern among the populace is the high level of corruption among politicians, with nearly two-thirds (64%) believing that most politicians are corrupt. This sentiment is shared across party lines, indicating a widespread disillusionment with political integrity.
Employment and Economic Issues: The lack of employment opportunities is viewed as the biggest challenge facing India, with 76% of adults citing it as a significant problem. Rising prices and corruption are also major concerns, with 73% and 66% of respondents identifying them as very big problems, respectively.
Safety and Crime: More than half of Indians feel that most people live in areas where it is dangerous to walk around at night, highlighting concerns about personal safety and crime rates.

主要关切
腐败与犯罪：民众普遍关注的问题之一是政治家普遍存在的腐败问题，约有三分之二（64%）的人认为大多数政治家都是腐败的。这种看法跨越了党派界限，反映出对政治诚信的普遍失望。
就业与经济问题：缺乏就业机会被认为是印度面临的最大挑战，76%的成年人认为这是一个重大问题。物价上涨和腐败也是主要的担忧，分别有73%和66%的受访者认为这些问题非常严重。
安全与犯罪：超过一半的印度人感觉大多数地区，夜间行走不安全，这突显了对个人安全和犯罪率的担忧。

Ideological Divides
Political Ideology: Political ideology plays a crucial role in shaping public opinion. The BJP's emphasis on cultural and Hindu nationalist issues significantly influences its supporters' views, while non-cultural issues are less predictive of political alignment. This indicates a complex interplay between ideology and public sentiment in shaping political behavior.

意识形态分歧
政治意识形态：政治意识形态在塑造公众舆论中扮演着关键角色。印度人民党强调文化和印度教民族主义问题，这显著影响了其支持者的观点，而非文化问题则不太能预测政治立场的预测性。这表明在形成政治行为的过程中，意识形态和公众情绪之间存在着复杂的相互作用。

Conclusion
Overall, while there is a degree of satisfaction with economic progress and democratic processes, significant concerns about corruption, crime, and employment persist. The ideological landscape further complicates public opinion, reflecting a diverse and often polarized political environment.

结论
总体而言，尽管对经济进步和民主过程有一定程度的满意，但对腐败、犯罪和就业问题的担忧依然显著。意识形态格局进一步使公众舆论复杂化，反映出一个多样化且往往两极化的政治环境。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处

Akshay Jain
What are your opinions on Indian Politics?
Yes, about time I talk about politics.
I don’t give a fuck about politics, Indian or otherwise. Not yet.
And, I know this is an extremely privileged position to be in where you couldn’t give a rats ass about who governs the nation.

你对印度政治有什么看法？
是的，我该谈谈政治了。
我不在乎政治——无论是印度的还是其他地方的。至少目前是这样。
我知道，自己处于一个极其优越的位置，因为我根本不在乎谁来治理这个国家。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处

And I don’t see changing my stance anytime soon. (this is a hint to all of you who will try to guilt me by saying “you’re young, you should take interest in where the country is headed” I don’t have the energy.)
Some people are interested in politics to the point that they make it the cornerstone of their personality.
And, I have met a lot of people of these people(if you could call them people). They are the reason why I try and stay away from politics. The zeal and energy they show turn me down. Sighh.
You know how people say a single vote isn’t going to decide an election? That is the bleeding truth. And I am not responsible for how other people think, all right?

而且，我不打算很快改变我的立场。（这是对你们所有想让我感到内疚的人的一个暗示，他们会说“你还年轻，你应该对国家的发展方向感兴趣”，我没有那个精力。）
有些人对政治非常感兴趣，以至于他们把它当作自己个性的核心。
我遇到过很多这样的人（如果你能称他们为人）。他们就是我尽量远离政治的原因。他们展现出的热情和活力让我感到厌烦，唉。
你听过人们说一张选票决定不了选举结果吗？那是真的。而且，我不必为别人的想法负责，明白吗？

But, because I don’t want to face the pitchforks and blowtorches, I will file that under civic duty and will cast a vote, if I am alive till the next election, which I don’t plan to be. (Not suicidal, just a joke. Chill the fuck out.)
No props for guessing who the vote is going to be cast for. For casting a vote for a particular person, you need to be informed about policies and stances and whatnots of the politicians. And who the fuck has the time to be informed about that? I get my news from The Onion and colleagues discussing things over lunch. That’s all the news I’m getting.
And there’s the stupid left/right thing, who are at each other’s throats all the time.

但是，因为我不想面对群众的愤怒，我会把投票视为公民义务，如果我活到下一届选举，我会去投票，尽管我并不打算活到那时候。（不是自杀，只是个玩笑。冷静点。）
不难猜出我会把票投给谁。要为某个特定的人投票，你需要了解政治家的政策和立场等等。谁有时间去了解这些？我的新闻来源是《洋葱报》和午餐时同事们的讨论。这就是我得到的所有新闻。
还有那个愚蠢的左派/右派之争，他们总是互相攻击。

Not going to lie, it’s fucking funny to lurk in those spaces and eat popcorn, but I don’t think I can handle someone arguing with me like that.
I will cry if somebody raises their voice or types in capital letters. I’m not even kidding.
I came to know what the left and the right-wing meant sometime in the last month I am 21 years old.
Ill-informed would be an understatement. I don’t even know what libertarian even means and I don’t plan on knowing what it means.
I like to have a good time and discarding politics out helps me do just that. Which, again, is a privilege.

老实说，偷偷观察那些争论，吃着爆米花，真的很有趣，但我不认为我能应对（有人那样和我争论的话)。
如果有人提高嗓门或用大写字母打字，我会哭的。我可不是在开玩笑。
我是在21岁的时候才知道左翼和右翼是什么意思的。
说我了解得不够，那简直是太轻了。我连自由主义者这些词是什么意思都不知道，而且我也没打算去弄清楚它们的意思。
我喜欢享受生活，而远离政治有助于我做到这一点。再次说明，这是一种特权。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处

Samved Iyer
How do you view Indian politics?
I must say I often have mixed views about it. I unfortunately forget the name of the Quora author who quite recently gave an eclectic illustration of the Indian state of affairs. The substance of his answer was the precariousness of entrusting power of franchise to those who in all probability would not be able to secure their meals the very next day. While they may as a percentage of population appear deceptively few, they are numerically immense owing to the plenitude of India’s population.

你如何看待印度政治？
我得说，我经常对印度政治持有复杂的看法。遗憾的是，我忘记了一位Quora作者的名字，他最近提供了一个关于印度现状的多样化描述。他的回答主要强调了将选举权交给那些很可能第二天就无法确保自己温饱的人是多么的危险。虽然这部分人在人口中所占的比例看似不多，但由于印度庞大的人口基数，他们的数量实际上是非常庞大的。

A sizeable proportion of them are illiterate. They would nonetheless play a momentous role in shaping the nation’s destiny. As a matter of principle, the thought that they must be excluded from the suffrage is execrable. But there is then the nuance of them voting not on issues of concern such as the state or national economy which they might anyway not apprehend, but caste and religion. That the latter in particular is relevant today even amongst educated segments of the population can in part be attributed to the systemic duplicity with regard to treatment of religious groups, and in part to the inelegance of conversation amongst the masses. Perhaps social media has amplified the propensity to view criticism of ideas as a personal affront. The common people are not academicians and their discussions are therefore not pedantically courteous.

他们中有相当一部分人是文盲。尽管如此，他们在决定国家命运方面仍然扮演着重要的角色。从原则上讲，认为他们应该被排除在投票权之外的想法是令人憎恶的。但同时，还有一个细微的差别，那就是他们在投票时，往往不是基于他们可能并不理解的国家或国民经济等重要议题，而是基于种姓和宗教。特别是宗教因素，即使在受过教育的人群中也显得尤为重要，这部分是因为在对待宗教团体方面存在的系统性虚伪，部分是因为大众之间对话的粗俗。也许社交媒体加剧了将对观点的批评视为个人攻击的趋势。普通人不是学者，他们的讨论因此不会那么讲究学术礼仪。

I quite concur with the authors Harsh Madhusudan and Rajeev Mantri whose views I have found to be of supernal worth. They note that Indian politics and ergo the State has viewed Indians as members of groups — religious, linguistic, social and suchlike — as opposed to viewing them as individuals and according their Constitution-ordained rights with dignity. The State does not yet understand that such actions of an individual as affect him alone constitute his sphere of inviolable liberty, and that he is therefore not liable for prosecution. His speech, to the important extent that it did not threaten someone else with infirmity or death, could at worst cause annoyance to a fellow being and is thus not liable for prosecution. The State, not viewing the said speaker as an individual citizen but as a subject, prosecutes him should his speech happen to “offend” a concerned group’s sentiment, thus adding to the extant contagion of such prosecutions. The Indian State thus proves that it values groups more than individuals.

我非常赞同Harsh Madhusudan和Rajeev Mantri这两位作者的观点，他们的观点对我而言极具价值。他们注意到，印度政治，因此也就是国家，倾向于将印度人视为宗教、语言、社会等各类群体的成员，而不是将他们视为个体，并以尊严的方式赋予他们宪法所规定的权力。国家还没有认识到，个人的行为，只要仅影响其本人，就构成了他不可侵犯的自由领域，因此他不应受到起诉。只要他的言语没有威胁到他人的健康或生命，至多只能引起他人的不快，因此也不应受到起诉。国家不将该发言者视为一个独立的公民，而是将其视为一个臣民，如果他的言论碰巧“冒犯”了某个群体的感情，就会对他进行起诉，从而加剧了这种起诉的蔓延。因此，印度国家证明了它更看重群体而非个体的价值。

Owing to the depredations of British colonial rule, the emancipation of the poor was the Indian government’s chief concern. The national endeavour for freedom spearheaded by the Congress was thus characterized with a socialist bent; reposing faith in the capacity of the State to emancipate the poor. However, intrinsic to socialism is a prodigious state apparatus, which fosters lethargic bureaucracy and erosion of accountability. The prence of such a system for the better part of the nation’s independence perhaps ingrained the reliance on policies accordant with it. The unfortunate result is that subsidies have become a must for winning elections, and their capability to incentivize economic activity could reasonably be impugned. Coupled with the excessive reliance on procedures, the national milieu as a whole became adversarial to free enterprise, thereby stultifying the national growth experience.

由于英国殖民统治的破坏，印度政府最关心的是穷人的解放。因此，由国大党领导的争取自由的国家努力呈现出社会主义倾向，寄希望于国家有能力解放贫困人群。然而，社会主义的本质是一个庞大的国家机构，它培养了官僚体系的惰性并侵蚀了问责制。在国家独立后的大部分时间里，这种体系的普遍存在可能已经根深蒂固地依赖于与之相符的政策。不幸的结果是，补贴已经成为赢得选举的必要条件，而它们激励经济活动的能力也合理地受到了质疑。再加上对程序的过度依赖，整个国家环境变得对自由企业不利，从而抑制了国家的增长经验。

But it is the consuetude of every system to equilibrize, and Indian politics, however laboriously, shall gravitate towards equilibrium. Voices of reason have to ultimately reform the system from within and not subvert it. There is much to be disappointed about in Indian politics, but given India’s impossibly diverse character, its journey thus far also leaves us much to appreciate.

每个系统都有趋于平衡的自然趋势，印度政治也不例外，尽管这个过程可能相当艰难，它终将逐步走向平衡。最终，理性的声音需要从系统内部进行改革，而不是彻底推翻现有体制。印度政治确实存在许多令人失望的问题，但考虑到印度极其多样的特性，它至今的发展也有许多值得我们认可和欣赏的地方。

Himanshi Malik
“But it is the consuetude of every system to equilibrize, and Indian politics, however laboriously, shall gravitate towards equilibrium. Voices of reason have to ultimately reform the system from within and not subvert it. There is much to be disappointed about in Indian politics, but given India’s impossibly diverse character, its journey thus far also leaves us much to appreciate.”
Precisely. Even though the current state of affairs make future of our nation look bleak but I do have faith that, however late, the voice of reason will prevail.

同上
完全同意，尽管目前的情况可能让我们国家的未来看起来前景不明，但我依然有信心，无论需要多长时间，理性的声音终将成为主导。

Sharjeel Usmani
What do you think about Indian politics?
Indian politics in a complex mixture of caste, creed, language, religion and ethnicity which are often tangled with each other in several levels and layers, which are manipulated time and again to gain popular support and ultimately the power. Broadly speaking, Indian politics -since independence has taken several turns and folds. I’ll be listing down the most important ones here:

你怎么看印度的政治?
印度政治是一个由种姓、信仰、语言、宗教和族群等复杂因素构成的混合体，这些因素在不同的层面和层次上相互交织，并且经常被操纵以赢得民众的支持和最终的权力。总体而言，自独立以来，印度政治经历了多次重大的转变和波动。以下是一些最重要的历史时刻：

Independence - From where it all began: At the time of Independence, Congress was the only political party in India which had the capability and resources to govern. Moreover, Congress was backed by the general support of every Indian for its role in Indian Freedom Struggle Movement. In fact, it won’t be an exaggeration to say that Congress back then was India and India was Congress, of course with a few resistance here and there. There resistances, however, were too small to be counted if India as a whole is considered. This hegemony of Congress would continue for several decades to come!

独立——一切的起点：在印度独立之际，国大党是唯一具备治理能力的政党，并且拥有必需的资源。国大党还因其在争取印度独立的运动中扮演的角色而获得了广大民众的支持。可以说，当时的国大党与印度几乎可以划上等号，尽管在不同地方也有零星的反对声音。不过，这些反抗力量相对于整个印度来说规模较小，不足以影响大局。国大党的这种主导地位在未来几十年里持续存在。

India Gandhi in power: By the time, Indira Gandhi came to power, India was already down with corruption. The bureaucracy, the police and even many Congress Party leaders themselves was indulged in corruption. Many senior Congress leaders were looking for Indira Gandhi as PM because they thought Indira was weak and could be easily controlled. However, no sooner did Indira Gandhi capture India’s highest authority, she became the real boss. Initially, she made several strong decisions and was even compared to Goddess Durga but eventually corruption, continuous famine, growing unemployment and irregularities in Sanjay Gandhi’s Maruti project made her quiet unpopular. Indian media was reporting extensively about her in a negative way. Later, the emergency added fuel to this negative image of Indira Gandhi. She was called a dictator!

英迪拉·甘地执政时期：英迪拉·甘地成为总理时，印度已经饱受腐败之苦。官僚机构、警察乃至许多国大党领导人都深陷腐败。许多国大党的资深领导人支持英迪拉·甘地担任总理，因为他们认为她易于控制。然而，英迪拉·甘地一旦掌握了国家的最高权力，便迅速展现出了她的强势领导风格。起初，她做出了一系列果断的决策，甚至有人将她比作印度教中的战斗女神杜尔加。但最终，由于持续的腐败、饥荒、失业问题增加，以及桑贾伊·甘地的马鲁蒂项目中的不规范行为，她的声望逐渐下降。印度媒体对她的负面报道铺天盖地。后来，她宣布的紧急状态进一步加剧了公众对她的负面看法，她被冠以“独裁者”的标签。

The first non-congress PM: As soon as the emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi was lifted and the general elections were announced, the Janta party coalition campaigned tirelessly against Indira Gandhi. Thus she was voted out of power in favour of the Janata Party, whose leader Morarji Desai became the first non-Congress prime minister.

第一位非国大党总理：英迪拉·甘地宣布的紧急状态一经解除，紧接着的大选，人民党联盟便不遗余力地反对英迪拉·甘地。结果，她被选民赶下了台，人民党取而代之，其领袖莫拉尔吉·兰奇霍季·德赛（Morarji Ranchhodji Desai ）成为了印度历史上首位非国大党的总理。

The Sikh riots (1984): Indira Gandhi’s assassination pulled off riots in several parts of India, especially Delhi, and the Hindus were mobilized against Sikhs. This was the official beginning of extensive communal politics in Indian political context. The previous riots either had no direct involvement of politicians.
The rise of BJP: During Rajiv Gandhi’s regime, the Bhartiya Janta Pary (BJP) worked on ground to inject hardcore communal feelings in Indian society. This was the time when the three temple movements began which led to the demolition of Babri Masjid (1992) in Ayodhya. BJP gained significant vote share in Uttar Pradesh and other Hindi speaking states like Haryana, Bihar, Rajasthan, Punjab & Madhya Pradesh.

锡克教暴动（1984年）：英迪拉·甘地遇刺事件引发了印度多地，特别是德里的暴动，导致印度教徒与锡克教徒之间的冲突。这一事件正式标志着印度政治中社群政治的广泛兴起。在此之前的暴动并没有政治人物的直接参与。
印度人民党的崛起：在拉吉夫·甘地的执政时期，印度人民党（BJP）开始在基层社会中灌输强烈的社群主义情绪。这一时期，三个寺庙运动兴起，最终导致了1992年在阿约提亚的巴布里清真寺被拆毁的事件。这一系列事件帮助印度人民党在北方邦以及其他说印地语的邦，如哈里亚纳邦、比哈尔邦、拉贾斯坦邦、旁遮普邦和中央邦，赢得了重要的选票份额。

The 2004 General elections: This election is important for two reasons. 1) Congress led United Progressive Alliance came to power after long under the able leadership of Sonia Gandhi ‘Maino’. The Congress was again getting popular support from the lower middle class, poor, and farmers. A newspaper quoted that ‘it was the most beautiful moment in India’s politics after independence. An Italy-born lady (Sonia Gandhi) was handing over the most powerful position to a Sikh (Manmohan Singh) in presence of a Muslim President (APJ Abdul Kalam). 2) This however, was also the beginning of the final decline of Congress. As a matter of fact, when it was decided that Congress was making government in centre and Sonia Gandhi could be the next PM, two prime Congress leaders wrote their resignation letter telling they can’t see an Italy-born lady ruling India. Though the UPA-1 coalition performed well, the congress was weakening from inside.

2004年大选：这次选举具有重要意义，主要有两个原因。首先，国大党领导的团结进步联盟在索尼娅·甘地的领导下重新执政，这是经过长时间在野后的再次掌权。国大党重新获得了中下层阶级、贫困人群和农民的支持。有报纸形容这是“印度独立以来政治上最美丽的时刻”，一位意大利出生的女性（索尼娅·甘地）在一位穆斯林总统（APJ阿卜杜勒·卡拉姆）的见证下，将国家的领导权交给了一位锡克教徒（曼莫汉·辛格）。
其次，这也是国大党走向最终衰落的起点。实际上，当国大党决定在中央组建政府，而索尼娅·甘地可能成为下一任总理时，两位重要的国大党领导人提交了辞呈，他们表示无法接受一位出生于意大利的女性统治印度。尽管团结进步联盟第一期政府表现不错，但国大党内部的凝聚力开始减弱。

The 2014 General elections: Gujarat 2002 riots famed CM Narendra Modi was made the PM candidate by BJP. He had an image of staunch Hindu leader but immediately before 2014 elections Modi redesigned his image as ‘Vikas Purush’ who would develop India on the lines of ‘Gujarat model’. Thus, Modi was carrying two images simultaneously during the 2014 election campaign: 1) The staunch Hindu leader who would ‘teach Pakistan a lesson’ and didn’t care much about Muslims and 2) The Vikas Purush who would develop India as he developed Gujarat. Thus, Modi was hope for every section of Indian society. This election was officially the death of word ‘secularism’ from Indian politics.
Of course, caste-colour-language-Kashmir-Pakistan-religion-etc were playing important roles in shifting the political dynamics of India at the societal level, which can’t be ignored at all. This answer however describes a very broad sense of Indian political dynamics over time.

2014年大选：因2002年古吉拉特邦骚乱而出名的首席部长纳伦德拉·莫迪被印度人民党（BJP）选为总理候选人。他原本以坚定的印度教领袖形象著称，但在2014年大选前，莫迪转变了自己的形象，塑造成为“发展之神”，承诺将以“古吉拉特模式”推动印度的发展。因此，在2014年的选举活动中，莫迪同时展现了双重形象：一方面，他是坚定的印度教领袖，誓言要“教训巴基斯坦”，对穆斯林群体不太关心；另一方面，他是“发展之神”，承诺将像在古吉拉特邦所做的那样，推动印度的发展。因此，莫迪成为了印度社会各阶层的希望所在。这次选举标志着“世俗主义”这一概念在印度政治中的正式消亡。
当然，种姓、肤色、语言、克什米尔问题、与巴基斯坦的关系、宗教等议题在社会层面上对印度政治格局的变化起到了重要作用，这些因素不可忽视。这个答案提供了对印度政治动态随时间演变的一个宏观概述。