人质家庭领袖如何成为以色列最响亮的反战声音之一

After Ayala Metzger's relatives were kidnapped from Nir Oz and abandoned by the government, she had no choice but to become an ‘anti-regime dissident’ — and insist on a shared Israeli-Palestinian future.

在阿亚拉·梅茨格的亲属从尼尔奥兹被绑架并被政府抛弃后，她别无选择，只能成为一名“反政权异见人士”——并坚持以色列和巴勒斯坦共同的未来。

When Ayala Metzger walks among the ghosts of Nir Oz, it almost feels like she isn’t quite sure whose story she wants to tell first. For the better part of the last year, she has been regularly leading tours along the dusty paths between the kibbutz’s gutted low-rise homes, located just four kilometers from the Gaza Strip. To anyone who will listen, she recounts what happened here on the morning of October 7 in vivid detail, like a forensic scientist reconstructing a crime scene.

当阿亚拉·梅茨格走在尼尔奥兹的鬼魂中间时，她几乎感觉自己不太确定自己想先讲谁的故事。在过去一年的大部分时间里，她经常带领游客沿着基布兹被烧毁的低层住宅之间的尘土飞扬的小路前行，基布兹距离加沙地带仅四公里。对于任何愿意倾听的人，她都会生动详细地讲述 10 月 7 日早上这里发生的事情，就像法医重建犯罪现场一样。

Forty-one members of Nir Oz and 11 Thai workers were killed in the kibbutz that day, while 71 residents and five more workers were kidnapped and taken back to Gaza. But Metzger doesn’t view herself as simply the groundskeeper of a plaque-less memorial; as the daughter-in-law of Yoram Metzger, whose body was brought back to Israel in a military operation after he was killed in Hamas’ captivity in February, and of Tamar Metzger, who returned alive in November last year in the hitherto only hostage deal, she knows time is not on the side of the remaining hostages.

当天，41 名尼尔奥兹成员和 11 名泰国工人在基布兹被杀害，71 名居民和 5 名工人被绑架并被带回加沙。但梅茨格并不认为自己只是一座没有牌匾的纪念碑的管理员；作为约兰·梅茨格和塔玛·梅茨格的儿媳，她知道时间并不站在剩下的人质一边。约兰·梅茨格的遗体于 2 月在哈马斯的囚禁中被击毙，随后在一次军事行动中被运回以色列。塔玛·梅茨格于去年 11 月在迄今为止唯一的人质交易中活着返回以色列。

Perhaps that is why she so fiercely oscillates between the personal and the political. Walking with her through what remains of her former community allows for scarcely a moment to absorb the horrors, but Metzger’s thoughts seem to be racing far ahead.

也许这就是她如此激烈地在个人与政治之间摇摆不定的原因。与她一起走过她以前社区的遗迹，几乎没有时间消化那些恐怖，但梅茨格的思绪似乎飞向远方。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处

She moves through the ruins of Bracha Levinson’s home — where her killers allegedly live-streamed her murder on Facebook, and where traces of a life cut short, including a personal diary left open on a couch, remain littered among the wreckage. There is barely time to take it all in before Metzger breaks the silence, recounting the minute details of the residents’ evacuation to the southern city of Eilat the day after the carnage. Gazing at the toys scattered outside the Bibas family’s home, whose red-haired children have become the most recognizable faces of the hostages in Gaza, Metzger weaves between her daughter’s survival story and reflections on her own metamorphosis into an activist.

她穿过布拉查·莱文森家的废墟——据称凶手曾在这里通过 Facebook 直播谋杀她的过程，而她生命的短暂痕迹，包括沙发上留下的一本打开的个人日记，仍然散落在废墟之中。还没来得及回忆这一切，梅茨格就打破了沉默，讲述了大屠杀发生第二天居民撤离到南部城市埃拉特的详细情况。凝视着比巴斯家门外散落的玩具，他们家的红头发孩子已经成为加沙人质中最容易辨认的面孔，梅茨格将女儿的幸存故事与自己成为一名活动家的转变的反思交织在一起。

But Metzger is not merely a relative who occasionally joins protests in support of a hostage deal. Within several months of the war breaking out, she had come to believe that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is the “main obstacle” to bringing back the hostages, choosing to prolong Israel’s onslaught on Gaza at their expense. Today, she is one of the most prominent voices among the hostage families, demanding an immediate end to a war that has killed over 44,000 Palestinians and wounded more than 100,000 others — transforming her, as she puts it, into an “anti-regime dissident.”

但梅茨格不仅仅是一位偶尔参加支持人质交易抗议活动的亲戚。战争爆发几个月后，她开始相信总理本雅明·内塔尼亚胡是带回人质的“主要障碍”，他选择以牺牲人质为代价延长以色列对加沙的攻击。如今，她成为人质家属中最突出的声音之一，要求立即结束这场已造成44000多名巴勒斯坦人死亡、100000多人受伤的战争——用她的话说，这使她变成了一名“反政权异见人士”。

Recounting a massacre
On paper, Metzger appears to be anything but a dissident. She grew up in an Ashkenazi, Zionist-left home in Pardes Hanna-Karkur, a sleepy middle-class town in central Israel known today for its anti-vaxxers and hippie communes. She was raised on the lore of her grandparents, veterans of the 1948 War who “fought to establish the state and creating something meaningful.”

大屠杀重述
从表面上看，梅茨格似乎根本不是一个异见人士。她在帕德斯汉纳-卡库尔的一个德系犹太人犹太复国主义左翼家庭长大，帕德斯汉纳-卡库尔是以色列中部一个沉睡的中产阶级小镇，如今以反疫苗者和嬉皮士公社而闻名。她在祖父母的传说中长大，祖父母是 1948 年战争的老兵，他们“为建立国家和创造有意义的东西而奋斗”。

She and her husband Ran, who was born and raised in Nir Oz, moved to the kibbutz in the early ‘90s and left in 2005, the year Israel evacuated its settlements from the Gaza Strip. Although she always thought of herself as a leftist and against the occupation, she was more of a passive onlooker with some half-formed views, rather than a full-time activist. It was October 7 and its aftermath that would irrevocably change her into the latter.

她和在尼尔奥兹出生长大的丈夫兰于 20 世纪 90 年代初搬到基布兹，并于 2005 年离开，那一年以色列撤离了加沙地带的定居点。虽然她一直认为自己是左翼人士，反对占领，但她更像是一个持不成熟观点的被动旁观者，而不是全职活动家。10 月 7 日事件及其后果将她不可逆转地变成了后者。

On that day, like many other Israelis, Metzger woke up to the sound of sirens in her moshav, not far from the southern city of Ashkelon. Shortly thereafter, she started receiving text messages from her youngest daughter, who had spent the night with Metzger’s brother-in-law in Nir Oz. As the hours passed, the messages became more frantic and indiscernible, which Metzger later learned was due to the presence of Hamas gunmen outside the family’s home.

那天，和许多其他以色列人一样，梅茨格被她位于南部城市阿什凯隆附近的莫沙夫的警报声吵醒。不久之后，她开始收到小女儿发来的短信，她和梅茨格的姐夫在尼尔奥兹过了一夜。几个小时过去了，短信变得越来越混乱，越来越模糊，梅茨格后来才知道，这是因为哈马斯枪手在她家外面。

Militants broke into and set homes on fire, kidnapping and killing their occupants, after which hundreds of Palestinian civilians came streaming into the kibbutz through an opening in the fence that encages Gaza. “They sat in our kitchens, they took our tractors and our bicycles out for a spin,” Metzger recounts.

武装分子闯入民宅，纵火焚烧，绑架并杀害了民宅中的居民，随后数百名巴勒斯坦平民从围着加沙的围栏上的洞口涌入基布兹。“他们坐在我们的厨房里，开着我们的拖拉机和自行车出去兜风，”梅茨格回忆道。

Meanwhile, the Israeli army was nowhere to be found. Metzger’s voice almost falters when describing how less than a dozen kibbutz members — some of whom were killed or kidnapped — were left to defend 400 residents. Soldiers finally arrived long after multiple waves of Gazans militants and civilians had returned to Gaza. “We live in a society built on the understanding that the Israeli army exists,” she says. “That in the moment of truth, it will show up — whether it takes 15 minutes or an hour, they will be here. But they weren’t here.”

与此同时，以色列军队却不见踪影。梅茨格在描述只有不到十几名基布兹成员（其中一些人被杀或被绑架）保卫 400 名居民时，声音几乎颤抖。在加沙武装分子和平民多次返回加沙后，士兵们终于抵达。“我们生活在一个建立在以色列军队存在的基础上的社会，”她说。“在关键时刻，以色列军队会出现——无论需要 15 分钟还是 1 小时，他们都会在这里。但他们没有来。”

Metzger’s daughter survived, but by the time it was over, a quarter of the kibbutz, including Yoram and Tamar, was gone — either dead or taken hostage. Israeli forces spent the next days sifting through the wreckage, trying to identify bodies (some had been charred so far beyond recognition that they could only be recognized by their teeth) including in the fields between Gaza and Nir Oz. Since then, the army has boarded up many of the homes.

梅茨格的女儿幸免于难，但战争结束时，包括约拉姆和塔玛在内的四分之一基布兹人都已不见踪影——要么死亡，要么被劫持为人质。以色列军队在接下来的几天里仔细检查废墟，试图辨认尸体（有些尸体被烧焦得面目全非，只能通过牙齿辨认），包括加沙和尼尔奥兹之间的田野。从那时起，军队就用木板封住了许多房屋。

Today, only a handful of kibbutz members and Thai workers live in the kibbutz, while the vast majority were eventually absorbed into a compound in the nearby city of Kiryat Gat. Earlier this month, over a year after the massacre, the Israeli government finally announced it would start rebuilding the kibbutz. But Netanyahu has not once visited the community that has become a symbol of government dereliction for many Israelis. And on Dec. 4, the Israeli army released the results of an internal probe that found that Yoram Metzger had been executed by his captors together with five other hostages — as a result, whether direct or indirect, of the Israeli military pounding the area where they were being held.

如今，只有少数基布兹成员和泰国工人住在基布兹，而绝大多数人最终被吸收到附近城市基尔亚特加特的一处大院中。本月初，大屠杀发生一年多后，以色列政府终于宣布将开始重建基布兹。但内塔尼亚胡从未访问过这个社区，而这个社区已成为许多以色列人眼中政府失职的象征。12 月 4 日，以色列军方公布了内部调查结果，发现约拉姆·梅茨格与其他五名人质一起被绑架者处决——这是以色列军队对他们被关押地区的猛烈攻击（无论是直接还是间接）的结果。

‘We stopped asking for permission’
Metzger and Ran spent the first weeks after October 7 in triage mode, going between her parents’ home in Pardes Hanna, where she worked on building lists of those who disappeared that day, and Eilat, where she supported the displaced of Nir Oz. But she quickly realized that she needed to broaden her efforts, and headed to Jerusalem to try and speak to members of Knesset about a hostage deal. There, she discovered that a hostage family had erected a protest tent in front of the Prime Minister’s Residence, demanding that Netanyahu do everything in his power to bring their loved ones home.

“我们不再征求许可了”
10 月 7 日之后的最初几周，梅茨格和兰一直处于分类处理状态，她们在帕尔德斯汉娜的父母家和埃拉特之间奔波，在帕尔德斯汉娜，她负责编制当天失踪人员名单，在埃拉特，她为尼尔奥兹的流离失所者提供支持。但她很快意识到自己需要扩大努力范围，于是前往耶路撒冷，试图与以色列议会议员讨论人质交易。在那里，她发现人质家庭在总理官邸前搭起了一个抗议帐篷，要求内塔尼亚胡尽一切努力让他们的亲人回家。

After two weeks in Jerusalem, she decided to focus all of her energy on working with the Hostages and Missing Families Forum — the central hub advocating for the hostages’ return, composed of activists from across the political spectrum. The Forum established “Hostages Square” in central Tel Aviv, where it holds weekly ceremonial vigils replete with somber speeches, songs, and performances.

在耶路撒冷待了两周后，她决定把全部精力放在与人质和失踪家庭论坛的合作上。该论坛是倡导人质回归的中心，由来自各个政治派别的活动人士组成。该论坛在特拉维夫市中心建立了“人质广场”，每周举行守夜仪式，期间有严肃的演讲、歌曲和表演。

Since its inception, says Metzger, the Forum has had to perform a “delicate tango” to keep its various factions unified under one banner, and to try to appeal to a broad spectrum of Israelis. While some members, like Metzger, have been openly critical of the government, others have pushed the Forum to take a conciliatory and cooperative approach with Netanyahu — a position that, over the past six months, has become increasingly untenable.

梅茨格说，自成立以来，论坛就不得不跳“微妙的探戈”，以将各个派系统一在一个旗帜下，并试图吸引广泛的以色列人。虽然一些成员，如梅茨格，公开批评政府，但其他人则推动论坛对内塔尼亚胡采取和解与合作的态度——在过去六个月里，这一立场变得越来越站不住脚。

A meeting with the prime minister and his wife Sara last December ended with little more than what Metzger calls the “royal couple’s” braggadocio: Netanyahu implored the hostage families to tell the world about their plight but to avoid doing so in the local media; Sara regaled them with tales of how she wrote to women’s organizations around the world.

去年12月，梅茨格与总理及其夫人萨拉的一次会面以“王室夫妇”的自夸结束：内塔尼亚胡恳求人质家属向世界讲述他们的困境，但不要通过当地媒体报道；萨拉则向他们讲述了她如何给世界各地的妇女组织写信的故事。

“The Forum members were afraid to say that the government was responsible [for returning the hostages], to hold them accountable and point the finger at them,” Metzger explains. “Members of the Forum knew how to set up tents, provide facilities, and bring sound equipment. But I needed our message to be refined.”

“论坛成员不敢说政府有责任（遣返人质），不敢追究他们的责任，不敢指责他们，”梅茨格解释道。“论坛成员知道如何搭建帐篷、提供设施和携带音响设备。但我需要完善我们的信息。”
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处

Meanwhile, Metzger began noticing the growing influence of the Tikva Forum, a far-right alternative to the Hostages and Missing Families Forum that supports the government’s “total victory” approach — for whom unrelenting military destruction in Gaza is seen as the only way to force Hamas to surrender, even at the expense of the hostages. “My first lesson in politics came when I understood who the Tikva Forum was,” Metzger says, noting that their vision of “sacrificing our children to become martyrs” aligned all too well with that of the government.

与此同时，梅茨格开始注意到蒂克瓦论坛的影响力日渐增强。蒂克瓦论坛是人质与失踪家属论坛的极右翼替代组织，支持政府的“全面胜利”方针——对该组织而言，对加沙进行无情的军事破坏是迫使哈马斯投降的唯一方法，哪怕是以牺牲人质为代价。“当我了解到蒂克瓦论坛是谁时，我学到了第一堂政治课，”梅茨格说，并指出他们“牺牲我们的孩子成为烈士”的愿景与政府的愿景非常一致。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处

The vigils at Hostages Square, meanwhile, were too reminiscent of the solemnity associated with Israel’s annual Memorial Day ceremonies. “We went to the square about four times, and at some point I just couldn’t [be there] anymore,” Metzger explains. “So I started looking for other ways that didn’t involve standing there and singing.”

与此同时，人质广场的守夜活动让人想起以色列每年阵亡将士纪念日仪式的庄严气氛。“我们去了广场大约四次，但到了某个时候，我实在无法再待在那里了，”梅茨格解释道。“所以我开始寻找其他方式，不用站在那里唱歌。”

Metzger knew she would need to stake out a more radical position in order to exert real pressure on the government. And so in January, along with a small group of hostage family members, she began blocking main thoroughfares, including the Ayalon Highway. “We decided to simply start taking action, action, action. This draws the media to you, and that way you can deliver your messaging [to the public]. We stopped asking for permission.”

梅茨格知道，她需要采取更激进的立场，才能对政府施加真正的压力。因此，今年 1 月，她与一小群人质家属开始封锁主要干道，包括阿亚隆高速公路。“我们决定直接开始采取行动，行动，再行动。这会吸引媒体的关注，这样你就可以向公众传递你的信息。我们不再请求许可。”

The Forum quickly distanced itself from the cadre, while Netanyahu-aligned media outlets and social media personalities — often dubbed the “poison machine” — launched a campaign of incitement against them. By February, they were openly speaking to the media, both local and international (Metzger herself gave an interview to Al Jazeera, which the Israeli government banned for its alleged support for terrorism), and confronting the police head on with protests that often ended in arrests or injuries; Metzger was wounded in June when she was trampled by a police officer on horseback.

该论坛迅速与该群体划清界限，而与内塔尼亚胡结盟的媒体和社交媒体名人——经常被称为“毒药机器”——发起了一场反对他们的煽动运动。到了二月份，她们开始公开向当地和国际媒体发表讲话（梅茨格本人接受了半岛电视台的采访，但该电视台因涉嫌支持恐怖主义而被以色列政府封禁），并与警方正面交锋，抗议的结果是警方逮捕或造成人员受伤；六月份，梅茨格被一名骑马的警察踩踏受伤。

During the tour of Nir Oz, two middle-aged women excitedly recognize Metzger (“We watch you hypnotized during every protest!”), urging her to enter politics (“We need new blood, someone we can vote for!”). Metzger speaks to them less like a revered public figure and more like the leader of a militant underground movement: “You must be careful everywhere now. Just by virtue of being against the government, you are already seen as a political dissident. That is why we need to ensure we have access to weapons — I’m serious.”

在尼尔奥兹之旅中，两名中年妇女兴奋地认出了梅茨格（“我们看到你在每次抗议中都像被催眠了一样！”），并敦促她从政（“我们需要新鲜血液，需要我们可以投票的人！”）。梅茨格对她们说话的样子不像是一位受人尊敬的公众人物，而更像是一个激进地下运动的领导人：“你现在在任何地方都要小心。仅仅因为反对政府，你就已经被视为政治异见者。这就是为什么我们需要确保我们能够获得武器，我是认真的。”

It was certainly not the first inflammatory remark Metzger has made over the last year; in June, during a protest outside Netanyahu’s home in Caesarea, Metzger delivered a blistering speech over the deafening blare of police sirens, in which she declared that if the hostages are not returned, “We will be waiting with a noose.”

这当然不是梅茨格在过去一年中第一次发表煽动性言论。今年 6 月，在内塔尼亚胡位于凯撒利亚的家外举行的抗议活动中，梅茨格在震耳欲聋的警笛声中发表了严厉的讲话，她宣称，如果人质不被释放，“我们将拿着绞索等着”。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处

The sacrificial altar of ‘total victory’
The penny dropped sometime in early May. Announcing that it had agreed to an Egyptian-Qatari proposal for a ceasefire and hostage deal, Hamas took the Israeli public — and the government — by surprise. Netanyahu quickly made his position clear: there would be no ceasefire, and Israeli ground troops would proceed into Rafah, a plan many Israelis said had been concocted by the prime minister to thwart a deal with Hamas and keep the war going.

“全面胜利”的祭祀祭坛
五月初，人们终于醒悟过来。哈马斯宣布同意埃及和卡塔尔提出的停火和人质协议，这让以色列公众和政府都大吃一惊。内塔尼亚胡很快表明了自己的立场：不会停火，以色列地面部队将进入拉法。许多以色列人表示，这一计划是总理炮制的，目的是阻止与哈马斯达成协议，并继续战争。

Polls show that Metzger’s views are today in line with the vast majority of the Jewish-Israeli public, which has shifted over the last year from wall-to-wall support for the war to an overwhelming majority in favor of a negotiated deal to end it and return the hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners. She came to the conclusion “early on” that the war had to end, and like many others, she couldn’t comprehend how every soi-disant military “victory” — from the invasion of Rafah to the assassinations of Ismail Haniyeh, Yahya Sinwar, and Hassan Nasrallah — wasn’t bringing the release of the hostages any closer.

民意调查显示，梅茨格的观点与如今绝大多数以色列犹太人的观点一致，他们的观点在过去一年里从全民支持战争转变为绝大多数人赞成通过谈判结束战争，并归还人质以换取巴勒斯坦战俘。她“很早就”得出结论，战争必须结束。和许多其他人一样，她无法理解为什么每一次所谓的军事“胜利”——从入侵拉法到暗杀伊斯梅尔·哈尼亚、叶海亚·辛瓦尔和哈桑·纳斯鲁拉——都没能让人们质的释放更近一步。

“I initially supported the war,” she says. “I told myself, ‘Put pressure on [Hamas], fine. We need to fight.’ But as time went on, I began to see how every point of leverage was deliberately tossed away, and how, every time there is a real opportunity on the table, right before an agreement is signed, suddenly [Israel] assassinates some senior [Palestinian] figure. It has become systematic. How many more soldiers and hostages are we going to sacrifice for this?”

“我最初支持这场战争，”她说。“我告诉自己，‘对 [哈马斯] 施加压力，没问题。我们需要战斗。’但随着时间的推移，我开始看到，每一个筹码都被故意浪费了，每当有真正的机会摆在桌面上，就在签署协议之前，[以色列] 突然暗杀一些 [巴勒斯坦] 高级人物。这已经成为系统性行为。我们还要为此牺牲多少士兵和人质？”

Since October 7, a total of 78 Israeli hostages — including Metzger’s mother-in-law — were freed in a deal with Hamas last November, while eight others were rescued alive in military operations. Hamas also released four women for “humanitarian reasons,” as well as 27 foreign and dual nationals outside of the initial deal.

自 10 月 7 日以来，共有 78 名以色列人质（包括梅茨格的岳母）在去年 11 月与哈马斯达成的协议中获释，另有 8 人通过军事行动获救。哈马斯还出于“人道主义原因”释放了 4 名妇女，并释放了 27 名未签署初始协议的外国人和双重国籍者。

The Israeli army itself killed three hostages in December, mistaking them for Gazans. Another was killed in a botched rescue operation. Around 30 have been recovered by the military in body bags, some of whom were killed on October 7 and some of whom died in captivity. At least 36 of the remaining 96 hostages are presumed dead, and Hamas claims that Israeli attacks have killed several others.

12 月，以色列军队误将三名人质当成加沙人杀害。另一名人质在一次拙劣的营救行动中丧生。军方在尸袋中找到了大约 30 名人质，其中一些人于 10 月 7 日被杀害，另一些人死于囚禁期间。其余 96 名人质中至少有 36 人据推测已死亡，哈马斯声称以色列的袭击还造成数人死亡。
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处

Metzger is convinced that Netanyahu’s doctrine of “total victory” is a euphemism for abandoning the remaining abductees. “It was clear to me from the start that Netanyahu wasn’t seriously considering anything but the military route,” she says. “We knew already in February that Yoram was killed in captivity; the deaths of the hostages is a result of that very same military pressure.”

梅茨格确信，内塔尼亚胡的“全面胜利”理论只是抛弃剩余被绑架者的委婉说法。“我从一开始就很清楚，内塔尼亚胡除了军事途径外，没有认真考虑任何其他办法，”她说。“我们早在二月份就知道约拉姆在囚禁期间被杀；人质的死亡正是军事压力的结果。”

Despite the respectable showings at the weekly protests in support of the hostage families, Metzger feels the activists have been left with little recourse. But there is one act she believes could force the government to end the war and cut a deal: conscientious obxtion, a phenomenon that gained popularity during last year’s protests against the government’s judicial overhaul, but became a near-treasonous position following the Hamas attacks.

尽管在每周举行的声援人质家属的抗议活动中，活动人士表现不俗，但梅茨格认为，活动人士已经束手无策。但她认为，有一种行为可以迫使政府结束战争并达成协议：良心拒服兵役。这种现象在去年反对政府司法改革的抗议活动中大受欢迎，但在哈马斯袭击事件发生后，这种行为几乎成了叛国行为。

“People must refuse to be part of an army that continues to corrupt itself,” she says. “Why are we surprised when Palestinians, who we have harmed, turn around and commit pogroms against us when we invade their homes?”

“人们必须拒绝成为一支不断自我腐化的军队的一部分，”她说。“当我们入侵巴勒斯坦人的家园时，我们伤害了他们，而他们却反过来对我们进行屠杀，我们为什么感到惊讶呢？”

Metzger’s call for refusal is as personal as it is political — her daughter was conscxted into the army after October 7, and her son is a few years away from enlisting — and she displays no compunction about urging her children to refuse to serve. “If the army argues with my daughter about wearing a pin for the hostages because it’s not officially approved but allows other soldiers to wear a messianic patch that says that killing Palestinians is okay, then this isn’t a defense force — this is an army of vengeance fighting in the name of God,” she says, her voice rising with exasperation.

梅茨格的拒绝参军呼吁既是出于个人原因，也是出于政治原因——她的女儿在 10 月 7 日之后被征召入伍，她的儿子还有几年就要入伍——而且她毫不犹豫地敦促她的孩子们拒绝服兵役。“如果军队与我女儿争论是否应该为人质佩戴徽章，因为这未经官方批准，但又允许其他士兵佩戴写着可以杀死巴勒斯坦人的救世主徽章，那么这不是一支防御力量——而是一支以真主的名义作战的复仇军队，”她说道，声音因愤怒而提高。

Her words hang in the air, cut off only by the purring of stray cats that now constitute the majority of Nir Oz’s population. The only other audible sounds are an army drone buzzing in the distance, and gunfire cutting through the wind from the direction of Khan Younis — just a few miles beyond the fence that was supposed to protect one community and imprison another in perpetuity. Even here, among the ruins of the kibbutz, Gaza forces its way back into the Israeli consciousness.

她的话语回荡在空气中，只被流浪猫的呼噜声打断，如今流浪猫占尼尔奥兹人口的大多数。唯一能听到的其他声音是远处军队无人机的嗡嗡声，以及从汗尤尼斯方向传来的枪声——距离原本应该保护一个社区并永久囚禁另一个社区的围栏只有几英里。即使在这里，在基布兹的废墟中，加沙也重新回到了以色列人的意识中。

Waging a different struggle
In mid-October, Metzger took part in a conference in south Tel Aviv to mark the one-year anniversary of October 7 and the war on Gaza (Hebrew-language site Local Call was one of the sponsors of the event). Speaking alongside Palestinian journalists and activists, Jewish radical leftists, and community organizers, Metzger told her story. Speaking after Gazan journalist Mahmoud Mushtaha — whose pre-recorded testimony described how Israel’s genocidal assault has killed dozens of his family members — she took the opportunity to address what the vast majority of Israelis prefer to ignore.

进行一场不同的斗争
十月中旬，梅茨格参加了在特拉维夫南部举行的纪念 10 月 7 日事件和加沙战争一周年的会议（希伯来语网站 Local Call 是此次活动的赞助商之一）。在巴勒斯坦记者和活动人士、犹太激进左翼分子和社区组织者的陪同下，梅茨格讲述了自己的故事。在加沙记者马哈茂德·穆什塔哈预先录制的证词描述了以色列的种族灭绝袭击如何杀死他的数十名家人之后，她借此机会谈到了绝大多数以色列人选择忽视的问题。

“I grew up learning not to make generalizations, certainly not about 3-year-old children,” she told the packed auditorium. “Yes, the 3-year-old might attend a Hamas kindergarten, but he is not to blame for what he’s being taught. I see it in Ashkelon too, where there is a similar kind of education, just from the opposite side of the political spectrum. So he is not to blame, and he certainly doesn’t deserve a bullet to the head just because he was in a Hamas kindergarten or because his mother was part of Hamas. I’m not willing to be part of that, and I’m not okay with things like that being done in my name.”

“我从小就学会不要泛泛而谈，尤其是不要对 3 岁的孩子一概而论，”她对挤满人的礼堂说道。“是的，3 岁的孩子可能会去哈马斯幼儿园，但他不应该为所学的东西负责。我在阿什凯隆也看到了这种情况，那里也有类似的教育，只是来自政治光谱的另一端。所以他不应该受到指责，他当然也不该仅仅因为他在哈马斯幼儿园上学或者因为他的母亲是哈马斯成员就被枪杀。我不愿意成为其中的一员，我也不同意以我的名义做这样的事情。”
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处

“The longer this war drags on,” Metzger continued, “the more the hatred grows. My mission today is, first and foremost, to stop this cycle. I want to address the Palestinian side, as they too bear responsibility in this story and must engage in self-reflection, demand more, and take greater action — despite the immense difficulties. Even as we face a fascist-leaning reality on our side and are in a position of relative strength [vis-a-vis Palestinians], there is a need for introspection on their part.”

“这场战争拖得越久，”梅茨格继续说道，“仇恨就越深重。我今天的使命首先就是要阻止这种循环。我想向巴勒斯坦方面讲话，因为他们也对这个故事负有责任，必须进行自我反省，提出更多要求，采取更大行动——尽管困难重重。即使我们面临法西斯主义倾向的现实，并且处于相对强势的地位（相对于巴勒斯坦人），他们也需要进行反省。”
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处

Standing in Nir Oz’s communal dining room, where long tables have been set up with places laid for each kibbutz member still held captive in Gaza, Metzger certainly has no love lost for those who pillaged the kibbutz. And yet she knows that the violence of October 7 did not occur in a vacuum.

站在尼尔·奥兹的公共餐厅里，长长的桌子摆放着仍被关押在加沙的基布兹成员的座位，梅茨格对那些洗劫基布兹的人当然没有任何好感。但她知道，10 月 7 日的暴力事件并非空穴来风。

“What’s happening in the occupied territories — I cannot stand behind this,” she says. “Do we really think that there won’t be a boomerang effect [to this]? Those who speak the language of bullying and force should expect the same in return. It’s a terrible loop that’s incredibly hard to break out of. You have to be brave to step out of it.”

“被占领土上发生的事情——我无法支持这种做法，”她说。“我们真的认为不会产生反噬效应吗？那些说霸凌和武力的人应该会得到同样的回报。这是一个可怕的循环，很难摆脱。你必须勇敢地走出去。”

Despite everything she and her community have endured, Metzger knows there is no choice but to try and imagine a shared future between Israelis and Palestinians. “The other option is to leave en masse and tell the Kahanists to build their Holy Temple on blood-soaked ground,” she says. “Now the question is: what will our camp decide to do? Flee? Will we abandon the fight or stay and wage a different kind of struggle?”

尽管她和她的社区经历了这么多，梅茨格知道，除了努力想象以色列人和巴勒斯坦人共同的未来之外，别无选择。“另一个选择是集体离开，并告诉卡哈纳主义者在血腥的土地上建造他们的圣殿，”她说。“现在的问题是：我们的阵营会决定怎么做？逃跑？我们会放弃战斗还是留下来进行另一种斗争？”
原创翻译：龙腾网 https://www.ltaaa.cn 转载请注明出处

The question lingers in the air as the sun creeps westward toward Khan Younis. Metzger knows the answers will surface eventually, but for now she is confronting a reality in which the hostage families have become emblematic of Jewish-Israeli society’s deepening fractures — a stark contrast to the unifying force they represented in the immediate aftermath of October 7.

当太阳慢慢西移，落向汗尤尼斯时，这个问题依然萦绕在空气中。梅茨格知道答案终究会浮出水面，但现在她面临的现实是，人质家庭已经成为以色列犹太人社会日益加深的分裂的象征——这与 10 月 7 日事件发生后他们所代表的团结力量形成了鲜明对比。

“We’ve entered a new phase, but it’s unclear where we go from here.” she says. “The government has escalated its violence on all fronts, while we are stuck in the same cycle that has run its course.”

“我们已经进入了一个新阶段，但不清楚接下来该何去何从。”她说，“政府在各方面都升级了暴力，而我们却陷入了同样的循环。”