备受争议的“购买欧洲产品”规则制定计划
正文翻译
题图：欧盟鼓励制造业留在本地区的提议是务实的还是保护主义的？
When French start-up Verkor begins rolling car batteries out of its new gigafactory near Dunkirk, it wants them to be fit to carry the tag: “Made in Europe.”
法国初创公司Verkor开始从其位于敦刻尔克附近的新超级工厂生产汽车电池时，希望这些电池具备贴上“欧洲制造”标签的资格。
Despite the factory’s location, that will require some changes. Right now, “a bit more than 50 per cent” of each battery comes from Asia, says chief executive Benoit Lemaignan. “But we are aiming for local content. It will be north of 60 to 70 per cent of our materials. Graphite, cathode, electrolytes are already in Europe so we are in this movement of localisation.”
尽管工厂位于欧洲，但这仍需做出一些改变。首席执行官贝努瓦-勒迈尼昂表示，目前每块电池中“略多于50%”的原材料来自亚洲。“但我们的目标是实现本地化，让本地化原材料比例将超过60%—70%的区间。石墨、正极材料和电解液目前都已在欧洲生产，因此我们正在朝着本地化的方向发展。”
Touted as a great hope for Europe’s nascent battery industry and French re-industrialisation, Verkor is also emblematic of a new effort by the EU to save its manufacturing base — at the risk, its critics say, of increasing costs, damaging competitiveness and alienating trading partners.
Verkor公司被誉为欧洲新兴电池产业和法国再工业化的希望，同时也成为欧盟拯救其制造业基础新努力的象征——但批评人士认为，此举可能会增加成本、损害竞争力并使贸易伙伴反感。
This month, the European Commission will present its most ambitious proposals yet to prioritise European production in public contracts across defence, digital and industrial sectors.
本月，欧盟委员会将提出迄今为止最雄心勃勃的提案，在国防、数字和工业领域的公共合同中优先采用欧洲制造的产品。
The Industrial Accelerator Act will set targets for the amount of European-made parts that specific strategic technologies, including renewables, batteries and cars, must have to benefit from government subsidies — a vast redirection of the bloc’s €2tn worth of public procurement towards its own industry. It will also establish conditions for foreign direct investors to transfer intellectual property and employ local workers.
《工业加速器法案》将设定特定战略技术（包括可再生能源、电池和汽车）必须使用多少欧洲制造的零部件才能享受政府补贴的目标——这将使欧盟价值2万亿欧元的公共采购资金大幅转向本国产业。该法案还将为外国直接投资者转移知识产权和雇用当地工人设定条件。
Proponents of these Buy European rules argue that they are the only way to prevent the steady erosion of the EU’s €2.58tn manufacturing industry amid high energy prices, competition from cheap Chinese and south Asian products and US President Donald Trump’s volatile trade agenda.
“购买欧洲产品”规则的支持者认为，在高能源价格、来自廉价的中国和南亚产品的竞争以及美国总统唐纳德-特朗普动荡的贸易议程的影响下，这些规则是防止欧盟价值2.58万亿欧元的制造业持续衰落的唯一途径。
“Our European independence comes with a cost, but it is much smaller than the cost of our dependencies,” says Stéphane Séjourné, the EU’s executive vice-president for prosperity and industrial strategy. “China has ‘Made in China’, the US have ‘Buy American’, Canada has ‘Buy Canadian’ — it is time for Europe to stand up for itself, and to have a similar scheme.”
欧盟负责繁荣与产业战略的执行副主席斯特凡-塞茹尔内表示：“欧洲的独立是有代价的，但远小于我们依赖其他国家所付出的代价。中国有‘中国制造’，美国有‘购买美国货’，加拿大有‘购买加拿大货’——现在是欧洲站出来捍卫自身权益，并建立类似体系的时候了。”
But the make-up of these rules has been the subject of fierce internal battles, which have already delayed the legislation by more than two months. The debate centres on what “Made in” and “Europe” really mean — whether certain sectors should be prioritised, what countries should be included in its definition and how to avoid pushing costs up too high.
但这些规则的制定引发了激烈的内部争论，已使立法进程推迟两个多月。争论的焦点在于“制造”和“欧洲”的真正含义——是否应该优先考虑某些行业，哪些国家应该纳入其定义范围，以及如何避免成本过高。
EU leaders are expected to discuss the policy at an informal summit on competitiveness on February 12 ahead of its formal announcement this month. This week, an op-ed written by Séjourné’s team was published in 15 national newspapers outlining the principles of Made in Europe legislation and signed by more than 1,000 European chief executives.
欧盟领导人预计将于2月12日召开非正式竞争力峰会，讨论这项政策，并于本月正式宣布。本周，塞茹尔内团队撰写的一篇评论文章在15家国家级报纸上发表，概述了“欧洲制造”立法的原则，并由1000多位欧洲首席执行官联署。
Yet the proposal remains highly controversial in some parts of Europe. This “clear push towards protectionism” would slow trade rather than ease it, says Benjamin Dousa, the Swedish trade minister.
然而，这项提议在欧洲部分地区仍然极具争议。瑞典贸易部长本杰明-杜萨表示，这种“明显的保护主义倾向”会减缓贸易，而不是促进贸易。
插图：法国布尔堡的Verkor公司电动汽车电池工厂。每块电池中只有不到一半的部件来自欧洲，该公司希望改变这种状况。
插图：Verkor公司首席执行官贝努瓦-勒迈尼昂表示，这家电池制造商的战略是“本土化运动”的一部分。
Businesses need the best components worldwide, he says. “It’s not by limiting their supply strategy that we become rich and do more trade. We have to build the best products in the world, we have to have the best services in the world, and we need competition to get there.”
他表示，企业需要来自全球的最优质零部件。“限制他们的供应策略并不能让我们变得富有，也不能让我们进行更多贸易。我们必须打造世界上最好的产品，必须提供世界上最好的服务，而要实现这些目标，竞争是必不可少的。”
Economist Karel Lannoo, chief executive of the Centre for European Policy Studies, puts it even more bluntly: “To maximise economic welfare it is exactly what we should not do. It goes against the single market.”
欧洲政策研究中心首席执行官、经济学家卡雷尔-兰诺的说法则更加直白：“为了最大限度地提高经济福利，我们绝对不应该这样做。这违背了单一市场原则。”
It is no coincidence that Séjourné, the man in charge of introducing Made in Europe rules, is French. The idea of “buy European” clauses to boost domestic industries has percolated in France for more than a decade.
负责推行“欧洲制造”规则的塞茹尔内是法国人，这绝非巧合。“购买欧洲产品”条款旨在促进国内产业发展的想法在法国酝酿了十多年。
In contrast to Germany’s more export-oriented industry, French companies have traditionally relied far more heavily on domestic demand, driven by its sizeable public sector.
与德国更注重出口的工业相比，法国企业历来更加依赖国内需求，这主要得益于其庞大的公共部门。
A “Buy European Act” announced in 2012 by then French president Nicolas Sarkozy never materialised. But officials say the concept meaningfully hit the public consciousness when his successor Emmanuel Macron called for a new doctrine of “European sovereignty” in a speech in 2017, setting out terms to protect a Europe “exposed to the squalls of today’s globalisation”.
2012年，时任法国总统尼古拉-萨科齐宣布了一项名为“购买欧洲产品法案”的法案构想，但该提案最终未能落实。不过，官员们表示，萨科齐的继任者埃马纽埃尔-马克龙在2017年的一次演讲中呼吁建立新的“欧洲战略主权”理念，并提出保护“在当今全球化浪潮中饱受冲击”的欧洲的条款，这一概念才真正深入人心。
An early success was an EU directive on foreign workers to ban the practice of “social dumping”, whereby companies would try to cut costs by employing foreign workers on lower standards at the expense of better-paid local employees.
早期的一项成功案例是欧盟关于禁止“社会倾销”的外国劳工指令。在这种做法下，企业为了降低成本，会雇用标准较低的外国劳工，从而牺牲当地高薪员工的利益。
Garance Pineau, who in 2017 was a diplomatic adviser in the French labour ministry and until last month head of the powerful French business association Medef, says that despite heavy opposition from northern European countries, France was successful in lobbying for “our vision” to protect its domestic labour base.
加朗斯-皮诺曾于2017年担任法国劳工部外交顾问，直到上个月还是颇具影响力的法国商业协会Medef的负责人。他表示，尽管遭到北欧国家的强烈反对，法国还是成功地游说推行了“我们的愿景”，以保护其国内劳动力基础。
“That was really a French dream at the time, but it was a first turning point for the European policy that we are considering now.”
“那在当时确实是法国的一种理想，但对于我们现在正在考虑的欧洲政策而言，那是一个重要的转折点。”
Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine catalysed the shift in Europe’s trade-oriented mindset. The reliance of the bloc on Russian gas exposed Europe’s dependencies at the same time as the rapid development of Chinese industry underscored the continent’s vulnerabilities. The combination of rocketing energy prices and fierce competition plunged much of its industrial sector into crisis.
俄罗斯2022年入侵乌克兰加速了欧洲贸易导向型思维的转变。欧盟对俄罗斯天然气的依赖暴露了欧洲的脆弱性，而中国工业的快速发展则凸显了欧洲大陆的脆弱性。能源价格飙升和激烈的竞争使欧洲大部分工业部门陷入危机。
Covid-19 has also contributed, officials say. EU governments realised they were dependent on imports for everything from drug ingredients to rubber gloves. Brussels proposed last year a Critical Medicines Act to incentivise domestic drug production and mandate stockpiling.
官员们表示，新冠疫情也加剧了这一问题。欧盟各国政府意识到，从药品原料到橡胶手套，几乎所有东西都依赖进口。布鲁塞尔去年提出了一项《关键药品法》，旨在激励国内药品生产并强制储备。
The return to the White House of Trump, who has repeatedly threatened the EU with higher tariffs for not bending to his will — most recently over his ambitions for the US to own Greenland — and castigated the bloc for its lack of defence spending, has intensified calls for Europe to revive its industry and support its own autonomy.
特朗普重返白宫后，他一再威胁欧盟，如果欧盟不屈从于他的意志，就要提高关税——最近一次是因为他想让美国拥有格陵兰岛——他还抨击欧盟国防开支不足。这加剧了人们呼吁欧洲重振工业、支持自身自主的呼声。
“The seismic change we are going through today is an opportunity, in fact, a necessity to build a new form of European independence,” said Commission president Ursula von der Leyen at Davos last month, shortly before Trump withdrew his threats to hit six member states with 10 per cent additional tariffs after they sent troops to Greenland.
“我们今天正在经历的巨大变革，实际上是一个机会，也是建立一种新的欧洲独立形式的必要性，”欧盟委员会主席乌尔苏拉-冯德莱恩上个月在达沃斯表示。就在不久之后，特朗普撤回了对六个成员国加征10%额外关税的威胁，此前这些成员国向格陵兰岛派兵。
Such is the geopolitical context that officials working on the Industrial Accelerator Act in Brussels say that they now find far less resistance to the principle of Made in Europe.
正是在这样的地缘政治背景下，布鲁塞尔《工业加速器法案》的官员表示，他们现在发现人们对“欧洲制造”原则的阻力大大减少了。
When Séjourné met German Chancellor Friedrich Merz at a motor show in Stuttgart last November, his aides were struck by the change of tone from Berlin. “We had good signs from Germany,” says one.
去年11月，塞茹尔内与德国总理弗里德里希-默茨在斯图加特的一个车展上会面时，他的助手们对柏林方面态度的转变感到惊讶。“我们从德国方面得到了积极的信号，”一位助手说。
An official in Germany’s economy ministry says that “such clauses should only be considered in exceptional cases and targeted at critical-strategic technologies and product groups, as well as for climate-friendly steel and cement”.
德国经济部一位官员表示，“此类条款只有在特殊情况下才应考虑，并且应针对关键战略技术和产品组，以及气候友好型钢铁和水泥”。
This encapsulates the central difficulty of agreeing how wide-ranging and how strict local content requirements should be.
这概括了在确定本地化内容要求的范围和严格程度方面的核心难题。
“I have no one challenging the idea itself,” says a senior EU official, “but on the how, [there are] lots of different ideas.”
一位欧盟高级官员表示：“没有人质疑这个想法本身，但对于如何实现，则有很多不同的想法。”
The aim of the act is to ensure that the EU’s manufacturing industry accounts for at least 20 per cent of its industrial output by 2030, according to a recent leaked draft, up from about 16 per cent today.
根据最近泄露的一份草案，该法案的目标是确保到2030年，欧盟制造业占其工业产出的至少20%，高于目前的约16%。
Some officials say the policy bears some resemblance to China’s industrial policies “Made in China 2025” and “China Standards 2035”, which aimed to boost China’s self-sufficiency in strategic sectors and pushed foreign companies towards joint ventures with Chinese businesses to access its market.
一些官员表示，该政策与中国的产业政策“中国制造2025”和“中国标准2035”有些相似，这些政策旨在提高中国在战略领域的自给自足能力，并推动外国公司与中国企业成立合资企业以进入中国市场。
For electric vehicles, for example, early discussions considered a requirement for subsidies supporting electric vehicles to be contingent on 70 per cent of each car being made in the EU.
例如，对于电动汽车，早期的讨论曾考虑要求对电动汽车的补贴必须以每辆车70%的部件在欧盟境内生产为前提条件。
But the ideas alarmed eight member states, including the Czech Republic, Finland and Sweden, which fired a warning shot in December. “European preference”, they said in a briefing document, “should be a last resort.”
但这些想法令包括捷克、芬兰和瑞典在内的八个成员国感到担忧，它们在去年12月发出了警示性的信号。它们在一份简报文件中表示，“欧洲优先原则应该是最后的手段”。
The Commission’s outwardly focused departments such as trade and economy and international development have also been pushing back hard against the most radical plans, fearing that rigid rules would alienate partners and stymie investment.
欧盟委员会中那些以对外事务为重点的部门，例如贸易、经济和国际发展部门，也一直在强烈反对最激进的计划，担心僵化的规则会疏远合作伙伴并阻碍投资。
“It is clear that in the current geopolitical context the EU must act to safeguard its strategic assets, industrial base and create leading markets for the green technologies,” says a second senior official.
“很明显，在当前的地缘政治背景下，欧盟必须采取行动，保护其战略资产和工业基础，并为绿色技术打造领先市场，”另一位高级官员表示。
“However, it should be done in a precise and targeted manner, so as to achieve the initial goals without scaring away investors and talent as well as enabling technology and knowledge transfers that our companies crave.”
“但是，这项工作应该以精准和有针对性的方式进行，以便在不吓跑投资者和人才的情况下实现最初的目标，并促进我们公司渴望的技术和知识转移。”
The first senior official, who works on industrial policy, says the problem is that certain policymakers still “live in the 1970s or ’80s and haven’t moved since”.
负责产业政策的第一位高级官员表示，问题在于某些政策制定者仍然“停留在上世纪七八十年代，从未与时俱进”。
Still, the lobbying on the act from the EU’s trading partners has been intense.
尽管如此，欧盟贸易伙伴对该法案的游说力度仍然很大。
Japanese carmaker Honda, which has been producing in the EU for more than 60 years, called for Made in Europe to be defined as “made with common values”, echoing the Japanese Business Council in Europe and Japanese diplomats.
日本汽车制造商本田已在欧盟生产超过60年，该公司呼吁将“欧洲制造”定义为“以共同价值观制造”，这与日本欧洲商业协会和日本外交官的立场相呼应。
“Overly restrictive local content requirements will not necessarily shore up European manufacturing, because the automotive industry is global in nature ... Many critical inputs cannot be competitively produced at scale in Europe yet they are essential to European production lines,” Honda said in a position paper in November.
本田在11月的一份立场文件中表示：“过于严格的本地化要求未必能提振欧洲制造业，因为汽车行业本质上是全球性的……许多关键投入品目前难以在欧洲实现具有竞争力的大规模生产，但它们对欧洲的生产线却至关重要。”
The US administration is also watching, according to American diplomats, and could reignite a tariff war if it believes its companies are being discriminated against.
据美国外交官透露，美国政府也在密切关注事态发展，如果认为其企业受到歧视，可能会重新挑起关税战。
Many officials fear that limiting content requirements to EU countries could undermine the bloc’s commitments in its free trade agreements. The European Commission is trying to sign new deals, such as those agreed with the Mercosur bloc and India in January, to circumvent its reliance on the US and China.
许多官员担心，将内容要求限制在欧盟国家可能会削弱欧盟在其自由贸易协定中的承诺。欧盟委员会正试图签署新的协议，例如今年1月与南方共同市场和印度达成的协议，以减少对美国和中国的依赖。
“You can’t sign Mercosur one week and then bring in a law restricting our market the next,” another EU official says.
另一位欧盟官员表示：“你不能这周签署南方共同市场协议，下周就出台限制我们市场的法律。”
Liberal member states — and FTA partners — are already angered by the Commission proposal in October to halve steel import quotas and impose a 50 per cent tariff above that.
自由主义成员国和自由贸易协定伙伴国已经对欧盟委员会10月份提出的将钢铁进口配额减半并在此基础上加征50%关税的提议感到愤怒。
Dousa, the trade minister whose country introduced a “Made with Sweden” campaign in December to highlight its reliance on global supply chains, says: “It’s exactly the same argument as we’re using against the US, that they aren’t treating allies in a good way. Now we’re using the same type of measures against our friends and allies.”
瑞典贸易部长杜萨表示：“这和我们指责美国对待盟友的方式完全一样，现在我们却用同样的手段来对付我们的朋友和盟友。”瑞典在去年12月推出了“瑞典参与制造”运动，旨在强调其对全球供应链的依赖。
But others say Made in Europe ought to mean exactly what it says on the tin — and that limiting that definition to EU countries would level the playing field with FTA partners such as Canada and South Korea.
但也有人认为，“欧洲制造”应该名副其实——将该定义限制在欧盟国家，将使欧盟与加拿大、韩国等自由贸易协定伙伴处于公平竞争环境。
“It’s not easy to explain to anyone how including any FTA country means made in Europe,” Lemaignan of Verkor says.
Verkor公司的勒迈尼昂表示：“要向任何人解释包括任何自由贸易协定国家如何意味着‘欧洲制造’，这并不容易。”
Businesses are also split over the incoming rules.
企业界对即将出台的规则也存在分歧。
Some say it would encourage reshoring of investment. Raul Gil, executive vice-president of transmission at the Italian cable manufacturer Prysmian, says: “Some advantage has to be given to European companies that are betting on European jobs. Workers here have a flat and a car. In China many face conditions that Europeans would find completely unacceptable. Our factories pay for the wealth and the stability of the state.”
有人认为这将鼓励投资回流。意大利电缆制造商普睿司曼公司的输电业务执行副总裁劳尔-吉尔表示：“必须给予那些押注欧洲就业的欧洲公司一些优惠政策。这里的工人有公寓、有汽车。而在中国，许多人面临着欧洲人完全无法接受的条件。我们的工厂为国家的财富和稳定做出了贡献。”
In a letter to the Commission last month, Cleantech for Europe, an industry group, said that “Made in Europe is a strategic, precision tool for key cleantech value chains — not blanket protectionism. It does not restrict market access or consumer choice, but ensures taxpayers’ money benefits Europe.”
欧洲清洁技术协会是一个行业组织，上个月在致欧盟委员会的一封信中表示，“‘欧洲制造’是针对关键清洁技术价值链的战略性、精准工具，而非一刀切的保护主义。它不会限制市场准入或消费者选择，而是确保纳税人的钱惠及欧洲。”
Others see potential risks. Gergely Tarlos, plant manager of Veolia’s water technology plant in Oroszlány, Hungary, which produces unique water treatment membranes using about 800 local suppliers, says that the company needs to maintain flexible supply chains.
也有人认为其中存在潜在风险。威立雅公司位于匈牙利奥罗斯拉尼的水处理技术工厂厂长格尔盖伊-塔洛斯表示，该公司需要保持灵活的供应链。该工厂使用约800家当地供应商生产独特的水处理膜。
“That is a challenge right now to maintain this European supply chain ... we see the increasing prices and vendors, and utility prices, labour costs. So that’s a challenge while we see cheaper potentials and options from China.”
“目前维持欧洲供应链面临挑战……我们看到价格、供应商、公用事业价格和劳动力成本都在上涨。与此同时，我们也看到了来自中国的更便宜的替代方案。”
While car parts suppliers support the policy, carmakers have been more sceptical. European automotive executives declined to sign the February op-ed, while Oliver Zipse, outgoing chief executive of BMW, said in December that while it was good to incentivise local production, setting quotas for local content could be “very dangerous” and “cut out” manufacturers from the global “innovation race”.
尽管汽车零部件供应商支持这项政策，但汽车制造商却持怀疑态度。欧洲汽车行业高管拒绝在那篇2月份发表的评论文章上签名，而即将卸任的宝马首席执行官奥利弗-齐普斯在12月份表示，虽然激励本地生产是好事，但设定本地化率配额可能“非常危险”，并将制造商“排除”在全球“创新竞赛”之外。
But William Todts, director of the NGO Transport & Environment, argues that it is particularly critical that most parts of electric vehicles, particularly batteries, are made in Europe.
但非政府组织“交通与环境”的主任威廉-托德茨认为，电动汽车的大部分部件，特别是电池，在欧洲制造，这一点尤为重要。
插图：法国北部勒阿弗尔港的集装箱。多年来，法国一直在酝酿“购买欧洲产品”条款，以促进国内产业发展。
“The way things are now, in eight to 10 years we could be totally reliant on China for EVs,” he says, adding: “If you think you can compete with China without intervention you’re wrong.”
“照目前的情况来看，八到十年后，我们可能完全依赖中国生产电动汽车，”他说道，并补充道：“如果你认为不借助任何干预就能与中国竞争，那就大错特错了。”
There are also signs of a geographical rift emerging. A person close to discussions on the subject within BusinessEurope, the bloc’s largest business group, describes a “very clear difference of views” with companies from France, Spain, Italy and the Netherlands backing more European preference and those in Germany, Sweden and Denmark pushing back.
此外，还有迹象表明，地域上的分歧正在显现。一位接近欧盟最大商业组织“贸易欧洲”内部相关讨论的人士表示，来自法国、西班牙、意大利和荷兰的公司支持更多“欧洲优先”原则，而来自德国、瑞典和丹麦的公司则持反对意见，双方的观点分歧“非常明显”。
BusinessEurope declined to comment on its position on Made in Europe rules.
“贸易欧洲”拒绝就其对“欧洲制造”规则的立场发表评论。
There is no doubt, even among supporters of the policy, that it could raise costs.
即便是该政策的支持者也承认，它可能会提高成本。
Clément Beaune, Macron’s Europe adviser between 2017 and 2020, says that European companies are “producing in a more expensive and constrained way because we have more rules around environment, climate and social standards”.
2017年至2020年担任马克龙欧洲顾问的克莱门特-博纳表示，欧洲企业“生产方式更加昂贵且受到更多限制，因为我们在环境、气候和社会标准方面有更多规定”。
Europe cannot both protect its industry and compete with Asia on price, he warns. “You have to choose and you have to be explicit.”
他警告说，欧洲不可能既保护本国产业又在价格上与亚洲竞争。“你必须做出选择，而且必须明确表态。”
Figures from the International Energy Agency suggest that the cost of manufacturing a battery in Europe could be as much as 60 per cent more than in China, yet the difference to the sticker price of the end product may not always be so great.
国际能源署的数据显示，在欧洲制造电池的成本可能比在中国高出60%，但最终产品的标价差异可能并不总是那么大。
A study by Deloitte in September shows that some more sustainable products only add a fraction more to the overall cost. Low carbon steel increases the price of the end product, for example a mid-sized Toyota, by 0.7 per cent, it said.
德勤9月份的一项研究表明，一些更具可持续性的产品只会略微增加总成本。例如，低碳钢只会使最终产品（例如一辆中型丰田汽车）的价格上涨0.7%。
Lemaignan says he is fully aware that “intra-European shoring” the supply chains, as he calls it, will “add a bit” to costs but he says that he has begun to see local producers of cathode materials for batteries “at a very competitive price”.
勒迈尼昂表示，他完全意识到他所谓的“欧洲内部供应链回流”会“增加一些”成本，但他表示，他已经开始看到电池正极材料的本地生产商“以非常有竞争力的价格”进行生产。
Elvire Fabry, director of trade and economic security at the Jacques Delors Institute think-tank, warns that if the Made in Europe provisions are not targeted “it would be not only short term and high cost but also mean a loss of competitiveness”.
雅克-德洛尔研究所智库贸易和经济安全主管埃尔维尔-法布里警告说，如果不对“欧洲制造”条款进行针对性调整，“不仅会造成短期高成本，而且还会导致竞争力下降”。
Georg Riekeles, associate director at the European Policy Centre and a former Commission official working on the internal market, argues that with Chinese overcapacity reaching unprecedented levels, Europe must be bold. If not, it risks introducing more protection of its market too late.
欧洲政策中心副主任、曾任欧盟委员会内部市场事务官员的格奥尔格-里克勒斯认为，鉴于中国产能过剩已达前所未有的水平，欧洲必须采取大胆行动。否则，欧洲即使出台更多市场保护措施也可能为时已晚。
“Of course there is a cost consideration and that could materialise short term,” he says. “But it will be a much better policy long term and will answer the dire need to keep a manufacturing base and economic security in Europe.”
“当然，成本是一个需要考虑的因素，而且短期内可能会显现出来，”他说道。“但从长远来看，这将是一项更好的政策，能够满足欧洲维持制造业基础和经济安全的迫切需求。”
题图：欧盟鼓励制造业留在本地区的提议是务实的还是保护主义的？
When French start-up Verkor begins rolling car batteries out of its new gigafactory near Dunkirk, it wants them to be fit to carry the tag: “Made in Europe.”
法国初创公司Verkor开始从其位于敦刻尔克附近的新超级工厂生产汽车电池时，希望这些电池具备贴上“欧洲制造”标签的资格。
Despite the factory’s location, that will require some changes. Right now, “a bit more than 50 per cent” of each battery comes from Asia, says chief executive Benoit Lemaignan. “But we are aiming for local content. It will be north of 60 to 70 per cent of our materials. Graphite, cathode, electrolytes are already in Europe so we are in this movement of localisation.”
尽管工厂位于欧洲，但这仍需做出一些改变。首席执行官贝努瓦-勒迈尼昂表示，目前每块电池中“略多于50%”的原材料来自亚洲。“但我们的目标是实现本地化，让本地化原材料比例将超过60%—70%的区间。石墨、正极材料和电解液目前都已在欧洲生产，因此我们正在朝着本地化的方向发展。”
Touted as a great hope for Europe’s nascent battery industry and French re-industrialisation, Verkor is also emblematic of a new effort by the EU to save its manufacturing base — at the risk, its critics say, of increasing costs, damaging competitiveness and alienating trading partners.
Verkor公司被誉为欧洲新兴电池产业和法国再工业化的希望，同时也成为欧盟拯救其制造业基础新努力的象征——但批评人士认为，此举可能会增加成本、损害竞争力并使贸易伙伴反感。
This month, the European Commission will present its most ambitious proposals yet to prioritise European production in public contracts across defence, digital and industrial sectors.
本月，欧盟委员会将提出迄今为止最雄心勃勃的提案，在国防、数字和工业领域的公共合同中优先采用欧洲制造的产品。
The Industrial Accelerator Act will set targets for the amount of European-made parts that specific strategic technologies, including renewables, batteries and cars, must have to benefit from government subsidies — a vast redirection of the bloc’s €2tn worth of public procurement towards its own industry. It will also establish conditions for foreign direct investors to transfer intellectual property and employ local workers.
《工业加速器法案》将设定特定战略技术（包括可再生能源、电池和汽车）必须使用多少欧洲制造的零部件才能享受政府补贴的目标——这将使欧盟价值2万亿欧元的公共采购资金大幅转向本国产业。该法案还将为外国直接投资者转移知识产权和雇用当地工人设定条件。
Proponents of these Buy European rules argue that they are the only way to prevent the steady erosion of the EU’s €2.58tn manufacturing industry amid high energy prices, competition from cheap Chinese and south Asian products and US President Donald Trump’s volatile trade agenda.
“购买欧洲产品”规则的支持者认为，在高能源价格、来自廉价的中国和南亚产品的竞争以及美国总统唐纳德-特朗普动荡的贸易议程的影响下，这些规则是防止欧盟价值2.58万亿欧元的制造业持续衰落的唯一途径。
“Our European independence comes with a cost, but it is much smaller than the cost of our dependencies,” says Stéphane Séjourné, the EU’s executive vice-president for prosperity and industrial strategy. “China has ‘Made in China’, the US have ‘Buy American’, Canada has ‘Buy Canadian’ — it is time for Europe to stand up for itself, and to have a similar scheme.”
欧盟负责繁荣与产业战略的执行副主席斯特凡-塞茹尔内表示：“欧洲的独立是有代价的，但远小于我们依赖其他国家所付出的代价。中国有‘中国制造’，美国有‘购买美国货’，加拿大有‘购买加拿大货’——现在是欧洲站出来捍卫自身权益，并建立类似体系的时候了。”
But the make-up of these rules has been the subject of fierce internal battles, which have already delayed the legislation by more than two months. The debate centres on what “Made in” and “Europe” really mean — whether certain sectors should be prioritised, what countries should be included in its definition and how to avoid pushing costs up too high.
但这些规则的制定引发了激烈的内部争论，已使立法进程推迟两个多月。争论的焦点在于“制造”和“欧洲”的真正含义——是否应该优先考虑某些行业，哪些国家应该纳入其定义范围，以及如何避免成本过高。
EU leaders are expected to discuss the policy at an informal summit on competitiveness on February 12 ahead of its formal announcement this month. This week, an op-ed written by Séjourné’s team was published in 15 national newspapers outlining the principles of Made in Europe legislation and signed by more than 1,000 European chief executives.
欧盟领导人预计将于2月12日召开非正式竞争力峰会，讨论这项政策，并于本月正式宣布。本周，塞茹尔内团队撰写的一篇评论文章在15家国家级报纸上发表，概述了“欧洲制造”立法的原则，并由1000多位欧洲首席执行官联署。
Yet the proposal remains highly controversial in some parts of Europe. This “clear push towards protectionism” would slow trade rather than ease it, says Benjamin Dousa, the Swedish trade minister.
然而，这项提议在欧洲部分地区仍然极具争议。瑞典贸易部长本杰明-杜萨表示，这种“明显的保护主义倾向”会减缓贸易，而不是促进贸易。
插图：法国布尔堡的Verkor公司电动汽车电池工厂。每块电池中只有不到一半的部件来自欧洲，该公司希望改变这种状况。
插图：Verkor公司首席执行官贝努瓦-勒迈尼昂表示，这家电池制造商的战略是“本土化运动”的一部分。
Businesses need the best components worldwide, he says. “It’s not by limiting their supply strategy that we become rich and do more trade. We have to build the best products in the world, we have to have the best services in the world, and we need competition to get there.”
他表示，企业需要来自全球的最优质零部件。“限制他们的供应策略并不能让我们变得富有，也不能让我们进行更多贸易。我们必须打造世界上最好的产品，必须提供世界上最好的服务，而要实现这些目标，竞争是必不可少的。”
Economist Karel Lannoo, chief executive of the Centre for European Policy Studies, puts it even more bluntly: “To maximise economic welfare it is exactly what we should not do. It goes against the single market.”
欧洲政策研究中心首席执行官、经济学家卡雷尔-兰诺的说法则更加直白：“为了最大限度地提高经济福利，我们绝对不应该这样做。这违背了单一市场原则。”
It is no coincidence that Séjourné, the man in charge of introducing Made in Europe rules, is French. The idea of “buy European” clauses to boost domestic industries has percolated in France for more than a decade.
负责推行“欧洲制造”规则的塞茹尔内是法国人，这绝非巧合。“购买欧洲产品”条款旨在促进国内产业发展的想法在法国酝酿了十多年。
In contrast to Germany’s more export-oriented industry, French companies have traditionally relied far more heavily on domestic demand, driven by its sizeable public sector.
与德国更注重出口的工业相比，法国企业历来更加依赖国内需求，这主要得益于其庞大的公共部门。
A “Buy European Act” announced in 2012 by then French president Nicolas Sarkozy never materialised. But officials say the concept meaningfully hit the public consciousness when his successor Emmanuel Macron called for a new doctrine of “European sovereignty” in a speech in 2017, setting out terms to protect a Europe “exposed to the squalls of today’s globalisation”.
2012年，时任法国总统尼古拉-萨科齐宣布了一项名为“购买欧洲产品法案”的法案构想，但该提案最终未能落实。不过，官员们表示，萨科齐的继任者埃马纽埃尔-马克龙在2017年的一次演讲中呼吁建立新的“欧洲战略主权”理念，并提出保护“在当今全球化浪潮中饱受冲击”的欧洲的条款，这一概念才真正深入人心。
An early success was an EU directive on foreign workers to ban the practice of “social dumping”, whereby companies would try to cut costs by employing foreign workers on lower standards at the expense of better-paid local employees.
早期的一项成功案例是欧盟关于禁止“社会倾销”的外国劳工指令。在这种做法下，企业为了降低成本，会雇用标准较低的外国劳工，从而牺牲当地高薪员工的利益。
Garance Pineau, who in 2017 was a diplomatic adviser in the French labour ministry and until last month head of the powerful French business association Medef, says that despite heavy opposition from northern European countries, France was successful in lobbying for “our vision” to protect its domestic labour base.
加朗斯-皮诺曾于2017年担任法国劳工部外交顾问，直到上个月还是颇具影响力的法国商业协会Medef的负责人。他表示，尽管遭到北欧国家的强烈反对，法国还是成功地游说推行了“我们的愿景”，以保护其国内劳动力基础。
“That was really a French dream at the time, but it was a first turning point for the European policy that we are considering now.”
“那在当时确实是法国的一种理想，但对于我们现在正在考虑的欧洲政策而言，那是一个重要的转折点。”
Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine catalysed the shift in Europe’s trade-oriented mindset. The reliance of the bloc on Russian gas exposed Europe’s dependencies at the same time as the rapid development of Chinese industry underscored the continent’s vulnerabilities. The combination of rocketing energy prices and fierce competition plunged much of its industrial sector into crisis.
俄罗斯2022年入侵乌克兰加速了欧洲贸易导向型思维的转变。欧盟对俄罗斯天然气的依赖暴露了欧洲的脆弱性，而中国工业的快速发展则凸显了欧洲大陆的脆弱性。能源价格飙升和激烈的竞争使欧洲大部分工业部门陷入危机。
Covid-19 has also contributed, officials say. EU governments realised they were dependent on imports for everything from drug ingredients to rubber gloves. Brussels proposed last year a Critical Medicines Act to incentivise domestic drug production and mandate stockpiling.
官员们表示，新冠疫情也加剧了这一问题。欧盟各国政府意识到，从药品原料到橡胶手套，几乎所有东西都依赖进口。布鲁塞尔去年提出了一项《关键药品法》，旨在激励国内药品生产并强制储备。
The return to the White House of Trump, who has repeatedly threatened the EU with higher tariffs for not bending to his will — most recently over his ambitions for the US to own Greenland — and castigated the bloc for its lack of defence spending, has intensified calls for Europe to revive its industry and support its own autonomy.
特朗普重返白宫后，他一再威胁欧盟，如果欧盟不屈从于他的意志，就要提高关税——最近一次是因为他想让美国拥有格陵兰岛——他还抨击欧盟国防开支不足。这加剧了人们呼吁欧洲重振工业、支持自身自主的呼声。
“The seismic change we are going through today is an opportunity, in fact, a necessity to build a new form of European independence,” said Commission president Ursula von der Leyen at Davos last month, shortly before Trump withdrew his threats to hit six member states with 10 per cent additional tariffs after they sent troops to Greenland.
“我们今天正在经历的巨大变革，实际上是一个机会，也是建立一种新的欧洲独立形式的必要性，”欧盟委员会主席乌尔苏拉-冯德莱恩上个月在达沃斯表示。就在不久之后，特朗普撤回了对六个成员国加征10%额外关税的威胁，此前这些成员国向格陵兰岛派兵。
Such is the geopolitical context that officials working on the Industrial Accelerator Act in Brussels say that they now find far less resistance to the principle of Made in Europe.
正是在这样的地缘政治背景下，布鲁塞尔《工业加速器法案》的官员表示，他们现在发现人们对“欧洲制造”原则的阻力大大减少了。
When Séjourné met German Chancellor Friedrich Merz at a motor show in Stuttgart last November, his aides were struck by the change of tone from Berlin. “We had good signs from Germany,” says one.
去年11月，塞茹尔内与德国总理弗里德里希-默茨在斯图加特的一个车展上会面时，他的助手们对柏林方面态度的转变感到惊讶。“我们从德国方面得到了积极的信号，”一位助手说。
An official in Germany’s economy ministry says that “such clauses should only be considered in exceptional cases and targeted at critical-strategic technologies and product groups, as well as for climate-friendly steel and cement”.
德国经济部一位官员表示，“此类条款只有在特殊情况下才应考虑，并且应针对关键战略技术和产品组，以及气候友好型钢铁和水泥”。
This encapsulates the central difficulty of agreeing how wide-ranging and how strict local content requirements should be.
这概括了在确定本地化内容要求的范围和严格程度方面的核心难题。
“I have no one challenging the idea itself,” says a senior EU official, “but on the how, [there are] lots of different ideas.”
一位欧盟高级官员表示：“没有人质疑这个想法本身，但对于如何实现，则有很多不同的想法。”
The aim of the act is to ensure that the EU’s manufacturing industry accounts for at least 20 per cent of its industrial output by 2030, according to a recent leaked draft, up from about 16 per cent today.
根据最近泄露的一份草案，该法案的目标是确保到2030年，欧盟制造业占其工业产出的至少20%，高于目前的约16%。
Some officials say the policy bears some resemblance to China’s industrial policies “Made in China 2025” and “China Standards 2035”, which aimed to boost China’s self-sufficiency in strategic sectors and pushed foreign companies towards joint ventures with Chinese businesses to access its market.
一些官员表示，该政策与中国的产业政策“中国制造2025”和“中国标准2035”有些相似，这些政策旨在提高中国在战略领域的自给自足能力，并推动外国公司与中国企业成立合资企业以进入中国市场。
For electric vehicles, for example, early discussions considered a requirement for subsidies supporting electric vehicles to be contingent on 70 per cent of each car being made in the EU.
例如，对于电动汽车，早期的讨论曾考虑要求对电动汽车的补贴必须以每辆车70%的部件在欧盟境内生产为前提条件。
But the ideas alarmed eight member states, including the Czech Republic, Finland and Sweden, which fired a warning shot in December. “European preference”, they said in a briefing document, “should be a last resort.”
但这些想法令包括捷克、芬兰和瑞典在内的八个成员国感到担忧，它们在去年12月发出了警示性的信号。它们在一份简报文件中表示，“欧洲优先原则应该是最后的手段”。
The Commission’s outwardly focused departments such as trade and economy and international development have also been pushing back hard against the most radical plans, fearing that rigid rules would alienate partners and stymie investment.
欧盟委员会中那些以对外事务为重点的部门，例如贸易、经济和国际发展部门，也一直在强烈反对最激进的计划，担心僵化的规则会疏远合作伙伴并阻碍投资。
“It is clear that in the current geopolitical context the EU must act to safeguard its strategic assets, industrial base and create leading markets for the green technologies,” says a second senior official.
“很明显，在当前的地缘政治背景下，欧盟必须采取行动，保护其战略资产和工业基础，并为绿色技术打造领先市场，”另一位高级官员表示。
“However, it should be done in a precise and targeted manner, so as to achieve the initial goals without scaring away investors and talent as well as enabling technology and knowledge transfers that our companies crave.”
“但是，这项工作应该以精准和有针对性的方式进行，以便在不吓跑投资者和人才的情况下实现最初的目标，并促进我们公司渴望的技术和知识转移。”
The first senior official, who works on industrial policy, says the problem is that certain policymakers still “live in the 1970s or ’80s and haven’t moved since”.
负责产业政策的第一位高级官员表示，问题在于某些政策制定者仍然“停留在上世纪七八十年代，从未与时俱进”。
Still, the lobbying on the act from the EU’s trading partners has been intense.
尽管如此，欧盟贸易伙伴对该法案的游说力度仍然很大。
Japanese carmaker Honda, which has been producing in the EU for more than 60 years, called for Made in Europe to be defined as “made with common values”, echoing the Japanese Business Council in Europe and Japanese diplomats.
日本汽车制造商本田已在欧盟生产超过60年，该公司呼吁将“欧洲制造”定义为“以共同价值观制造”，这与日本欧洲商业协会和日本外交官的立场相呼应。
“Overly restrictive local content requirements will not necessarily shore up European manufacturing, because the automotive industry is global in nature ... Many critical inputs cannot be competitively produced at scale in Europe yet they are essential to European production lines,” Honda said in a position paper in November.
本田在11月的一份立场文件中表示：“过于严格的本地化要求未必能提振欧洲制造业，因为汽车行业本质上是全球性的……许多关键投入品目前难以在欧洲实现具有竞争力的大规模生产，但它们对欧洲的生产线却至关重要。”
The US administration is also watching, according to American diplomats, and could reignite a tariff war if it believes its companies are being discriminated against.
据美国外交官透露，美国政府也在密切关注事态发展，如果认为其企业受到歧视，可能会重新挑起关税战。
Many officials fear that limiting content requirements to EU countries could undermine the bloc’s commitments in its free trade agreements. The European Commission is trying to sign new deals, such as those agreed with the Mercosur bloc and India in January, to circumvent its reliance on the US and China.
许多官员担心，将内容要求限制在欧盟国家可能会削弱欧盟在其自由贸易协定中的承诺。欧盟委员会正试图签署新的协议，例如今年1月与南方共同市场和印度达成的协议，以减少对美国和中国的依赖。
“You can’t sign Mercosur one week and then bring in a law restricting our market the next,” another EU official says.
另一位欧盟官员表示：“你不能这周签署南方共同市场协议，下周就出台限制我们市场的法律。”
Liberal member states — and FTA partners — are already angered by the Commission proposal in October to halve steel import quotas and impose a 50 per cent tariff above that.
自由主义成员国和自由贸易协定伙伴国已经对欧盟委员会10月份提出的将钢铁进口配额减半并在此基础上加征50%关税的提议感到愤怒。
Dousa, the trade minister whose country introduced a “Made with Sweden” campaign in December to highlight its reliance on global supply chains, says: “It’s exactly the same argument as we’re using against the US, that they aren’t treating allies in a good way. Now we’re using the same type of measures against our friends and allies.”
瑞典贸易部长杜萨表示：“这和我们指责美国对待盟友的方式完全一样，现在我们却用同样的手段来对付我们的朋友和盟友。”瑞典在去年12月推出了“瑞典参与制造”运动，旨在强调其对全球供应链的依赖。
But others say Made in Europe ought to mean exactly what it says on the tin — and that limiting that definition to EU countries would level the playing field with FTA partners such as Canada and South Korea.
但也有人认为，“欧洲制造”应该名副其实——将该定义限制在欧盟国家，将使欧盟与加拿大、韩国等自由贸易协定伙伴处于公平竞争环境。
“It’s not easy to explain to anyone how including any FTA country means made in Europe,” Lemaignan of Verkor says.
Verkor公司的勒迈尼昂表示：“要向任何人解释包括任何自由贸易协定国家如何意味着‘欧洲制造’，这并不容易。”
Businesses are also split over the incoming rules.
企业界对即将出台的规则也存在分歧。
Some say it would encourage reshoring of investment. Raul Gil, executive vice-president of transmission at the Italian cable manufacturer Prysmian, says: “Some advantage has to be given to European companies that are betting on European jobs. Workers here have a flat and a car. In China many face conditions that Europeans would find completely unacceptable. Our factories pay for the wealth and the stability of the state.”
有人认为这将鼓励投资回流。意大利电缆制造商普睿司曼公司的输电业务执行副总裁劳尔-吉尔表示：“必须给予那些押注欧洲就业的欧洲公司一些优惠政策。这里的工人有公寓、有汽车。而在中国，许多人面临着欧洲人完全无法接受的条件。我们的工厂为国家的财富和稳定做出了贡献。”
In a letter to the Commission last month, Cleantech for Europe, an industry group, said that “Made in Europe is a strategic, precision tool for key cleantech value chains — not blanket protectionism. It does not restrict market access or consumer choice, but ensures taxpayers’ money benefits Europe.”
欧洲清洁技术协会是一个行业组织，上个月在致欧盟委员会的一封信中表示，“‘欧洲制造’是针对关键清洁技术价值链的战略性、精准工具，而非一刀切的保护主义。它不会限制市场准入或消费者选择，而是确保纳税人的钱惠及欧洲。”
Others see potential risks. Gergely Tarlos, plant manager of Veolia’s water technology plant in Oroszlány, Hungary, which produces unique water treatment membranes using about 800 local suppliers, says that the company needs to maintain flexible supply chains.
也有人认为其中存在潜在风险。威立雅公司位于匈牙利奥罗斯拉尼的水处理技术工厂厂长格尔盖伊-塔洛斯表示，该公司需要保持灵活的供应链。该工厂使用约800家当地供应商生产独特的水处理膜。
“That is a challenge right now to maintain this European supply chain ... we see the increasing prices and vendors, and utility prices, labour costs. So that’s a challenge while we see cheaper potentials and options from China.”
“目前维持欧洲供应链面临挑战……我们看到价格、供应商、公用事业价格和劳动力成本都在上涨。与此同时，我们也看到了来自中国的更便宜的替代方案。”
While car parts suppliers support the policy, carmakers have been more sceptical. European automotive executives declined to sign the February op-ed, while Oliver Zipse, outgoing chief executive of BMW, said in December that while it was good to incentivise local production, setting quotas for local content could be “very dangerous” and “cut out” manufacturers from the global “innovation race”.
尽管汽车零部件供应商支持这项政策，但汽车制造商却持怀疑态度。欧洲汽车行业高管拒绝在那篇2月份发表的评论文章上签名，而即将卸任的宝马首席执行官奥利弗-齐普斯在12月份表示，虽然激励本地生产是好事，但设定本地化率配额可能“非常危险”，并将制造商“排除”在全球“创新竞赛”之外。
But William Todts, director of the NGO Transport & Environment, argues that it is particularly critical that most parts of electric vehicles, particularly batteries, are made in Europe.
但非政府组织“交通与环境”的主任威廉-托德茨认为，电动汽车的大部分部件，特别是电池，在欧洲制造，这一点尤为重要。
插图：法国北部勒阿弗尔港的集装箱。多年来，法国一直在酝酿“购买欧洲产品”条款，以促进国内产业发展。
“The way things are now, in eight to 10 years we could be totally reliant on China for EVs,” he says, adding: “If you think you can compete with China without intervention you’re wrong.”
“照目前的情况来看，八到十年后，我们可能完全依赖中国生产电动汽车，”他说道，并补充道：“如果你认为不借助任何干预就能与中国竞争，那就大错特错了。”
There are also signs of a geographical rift emerging. A person close to discussions on the subject within BusinessEurope, the bloc’s largest business group, describes a “very clear difference of views” with companies from France, Spain, Italy and the Netherlands backing more European preference and those in Germany, Sweden and Denmark pushing back.
此外，还有迹象表明，地域上的分歧正在显现。一位接近欧盟最大商业组织“贸易欧洲”内部相关讨论的人士表示，来自法国、西班牙、意大利和荷兰的公司支持更多“欧洲优先”原则，而来自德国、瑞典和丹麦的公司则持反对意见，双方的观点分歧“非常明显”。
BusinessEurope declined to comment on its position on Made in Europe rules.
“贸易欧洲”拒绝就其对“欧洲制造”规则的立场发表评论。
There is no doubt, even among supporters of the policy, that it could raise costs.
即便是该政策的支持者也承认，它可能会提高成本。
Clément Beaune, Macron’s Europe adviser between 2017 and 2020, says that European companies are “producing in a more expensive and constrained way because we have more rules around environment, climate and social standards”.
2017年至2020年担任马克龙欧洲顾问的克莱门特-博纳表示，欧洲企业“生产方式更加昂贵且受到更多限制，因为我们在环境、气候和社会标准方面有更多规定”。
Europe cannot both protect its industry and compete with Asia on price, he warns. “You have to choose and you have to be explicit.”
他警告说，欧洲不可能既保护本国产业又在价格上与亚洲竞争。“你必须做出选择，而且必须明确表态。”
Figures from the International Energy Agency suggest that the cost of manufacturing a battery in Europe could be as much as 60 per cent more than in China, yet the difference to the sticker price of the end product may not always be so great.
国际能源署的数据显示，在欧洲制造电池的成本可能比在中国高出60%，但最终产品的标价差异可能并不总是那么大。
A study by Deloitte in September shows that some more sustainable products only add a fraction more to the overall cost. Low carbon steel increases the price of the end product, for example a mid-sized Toyota, by 0.7 per cent, it said.
德勤9月份的一项研究表明，一些更具可持续性的产品只会略微增加总成本。例如，低碳钢只会使最终产品（例如一辆中型丰田汽车）的价格上涨0.7%。
Lemaignan says he is fully aware that “intra-European shoring” the supply chains, as he calls it, will “add a bit” to costs but he says that he has begun to see local producers of cathode materials for batteries “at a very competitive price”.
勒迈尼昂表示，他完全意识到他所谓的“欧洲内部供应链回流”会“增加一些”成本，但他表示，他已经开始看到电池正极材料的本地生产商“以非常有竞争力的价格”进行生产。
Elvire Fabry, director of trade and economic security at the Jacques Delors Institute think-tank, warns that if the Made in Europe provisions are not targeted “it would be not only short term and high cost but also mean a loss of competitiveness”.
雅克-德洛尔研究所智库贸易和经济安全主管埃尔维尔-法布里警告说，如果不对“欧洲制造”条款进行针对性调整，“不仅会造成短期高成本，而且还会导致竞争力下降”。
Georg Riekeles, associate director at the European Policy Centre and a former Commission official working on the internal market, argues that with Chinese overcapacity reaching unprecedented levels, Europe must be bold. If not, it risks introducing more protection of its market too late.
欧洲政策中心副主任、曾任欧盟委员会内部市场事务官员的格奥尔格-里克勒斯认为，鉴于中国产能过剩已达前所未有的水平，欧洲必须采取大胆行动。否则，欧洲即使出台更多市场保护措施也可能为时已晚。
“Of course there is a cost consideration and that could materialise short term,” he says. “But it will be a much better policy long term and will answer the dire need to keep a manufacturing base and economic security in Europe.”
“当然，成本是一个需要考虑的因素，而且短期内可能会显现出来，”他说道。“但从长远来看，这将是一项更好的政策，能够满足欧洲维持制造业基础和经济安全的迫切需求。”
评论翻译
@FA
The European Commission seems desperate to stay relevant and keeps proposing bad ideas. It should focus on deregulation and giving power back to the people.
欧盟委员会似乎急于维持其影响力，不断提出糟糕的方案。它应该专注于放松管制，并将权力归还给人民。
@Vasco66
We need this in the UK as well. The 1980s dogma that ownership doesn't matter has been plainly proved wrong, and that it has been clung to so fiercely by the Treasury and Conservative establishment is a key reason why the UK has underperformed economically
英国也需要这样的制度。20世纪80年代“所有权无关紧要”的教条已被明确证明是错误的，而财政部和保守党建制派却如此顽固地坚持这一教条，这正是英国经济表现不佳的关键原因之一。
@my tu'pence
When cost is all that matters to producers, they will source where that cost is lowest.
如果成本是生产者唯一考虑的因素，他们就会选择成本最低的供应商。
The EU countries have been hypocritical by e.g. by imposing high environmental standards on local manufacturers and ignoring them when sourcing from outside the block (e.g. rare earths processing). By definition that increases cost in Europe and entices sourcing from abroad.
欧盟国家一直虚伪至极，例如，它们对本地制造商实施高环境标准，却在从欧盟以外采购原材料（例如稀土加工）时无视这些标准。这必然会增加欧洲的成本，并诱使企业从国外采购。
And that behaviour leads to the decline of local industries.
这种行为会导致当地产业衰落。
Add to that anti-competitive behaviour by governments (e.g. China) that for policy reasons subsidise local industries (e.g. solar panels) and you exacerbate the trends of de-industrialisation.
再加上一些政府（例如中国）出于政策原因对当地产业（例如太阳能电池板）进行补贴的反竞争行为，就会加剧去工业化的趋势。
So the EU needs to become more realistic and enforce similar standards. In a world where multilateralism is obviously on the decline that means first protection of its own strategic industries.
因此，欧盟需要更加务实，并执行类似的标准。在多边主义明显衰落的当今世界，这意味着欧盟首先要保护自身的战略产业。
So irrespective of the short term dislocation this type of protectionism will cause, it’s the only way forward.
因此，尽管这种保护主义会在短期内造成混乱，但这却是唯一的出路。
As Carney said:”nostalgia is not a strategy”. I would venture to add a neither are unrealistic expectations of other’s behaviour.
正如卡尼所说：“怀旧不是一种策略”。我还要补充一点，对他人的行为抱有不切实际的期望也同样不是一种策略。
@cfgr
Back to 18th century protectionism, Of the competing theories - protectionism or internationalism, there appears to be no clear evidence of superiority.
回到18世纪的保护主义，在保护主义和国际主义这两种相互竞争的理论中，似乎没有明确的证据表明哪一种更优越。
What is certain, costs will be passed on to the European purchasing public, savings put in company or national pockets.
可以肯定的是，成本将转嫁给欧洲消费者，而节省下来的钱则会落入公司或国家的口袋。
Essentially another means of fleecing the Europen public to bribe local producers.
本质上，这是另一种榨取欧洲公众以贿赂当地生产商的手段。
Meanwhie, European workers are being put on the scrapheap?
与此同时，欧洲工人却被送上了废弃堆？
@FrostWurm5
Sounds good on paper until you talk about the increase in prices.
纸面上听起来不错，但一谈到价格上涨就不那么美好了。
@Please settle all grudges
Buy European defense material should be a mantra hanging above each door.
购买欧洲国防物资应该成为挂在每扇门上的标语。
@Hamlet2
More innovation, better quality, competitive prices will do the trick. Protectionism will lessen innovation, lower quality, raise prices. It is that simple.
更多创新、更高质量、更具竞争力的价格才能解决问题。保护主义只会抑制创新、降低质量、推高价格。就这么简单。
@BotanyWhig
A fascinating read. But I found myself wondering what the overall strategy is. This is not a problem unique to Europe. Governments seem to like to have these sorts of thought bubbles without really being clear on what they are trying to achieve and how this fits within an overall agenda for growth and development.
这篇文章引人入胜。但我读后不禁疑惑，其总体战略究竟是什么？这并非欧洲独有的问题。各国政府似乎都喜欢空想，却并不真正清楚自己究竟想要实现什么目标，以及这些目标如何融入整体的增长和发展议程。
Fundamentally, with anything to do with trade, policy makers are trading off efficiency and competitiveness with other obxtives like protecting local industry and, often merely perceived, notions of ‘security’.
从根本上讲，在任何与贸易有关的事情上，政策制定者都在效率和竞争力与其他目标之间进行权衡，例如保护本地产业，以及（通常只是感知到的）“安全”概念。
The latter goals have costs. I agree with the Swedes and others that European preference should be reserved for a small number of strategic industries.
后一种目标需要付出代价。我同意瑞典和其他国家的观点，即欧洲优先权应该保留给少数战略性产业。
The fundamental problem with protectionism, in all its myriad forms, is that it is a way of managing failure. Europe needs to decide whether it has given up on global competitiveness, which requires internationally connected supply chains and ruthless efficiency and innovation, or still thinks it has a shot at being a world leader - at least in some industries.
保护主义及其各种形式的根本问题在于，它是一种应对失败的方式。欧洲需要决定，它是否已经放弃了全球竞争力——而全球竞争力需要国际互联的供应链、极致的效率和创新——还是仍然认为自己有机会成为世界领导者——至少在某些行业是如此。
The alternative is leveraging the scale of its big market to turn itself into a sort of sheltered workshop, in which local manufacturers are feather-bedded in various ways. The downside of that, of course, is inferior products, higher prices and lower living standards. Which given how economically moribund Europe has been since 2008, is a rather big choice to make.
另一种选择是利用其庞大的市场规模，将自身变成一个庇护工场，以各种方式对当地制造商进行庇护和娇惯。当然，这样做的缺点是产品质量下降、价格上涨和生活水平降低。鉴于欧洲自2008年以来经济一直低迷，这无疑是一个相当艰难的选择。
The European Commission seems desperate to stay relevant and keeps proposing bad ideas. It should focus on deregulation and giving power back to the people.
欧盟委员会似乎急于维持其影响力，不断提出糟糕的方案。它应该专注于放松管制，并将权力归还给人民。
@Vasco66
We need this in the UK as well. The 1980s dogma that ownership doesn't matter has been plainly proved wrong, and that it has been clung to so fiercely by the Treasury and Conservative establishment is a key reason why the UK has underperformed economically
英国也需要这样的制度。20世纪80年代“所有权无关紧要”的教条已被明确证明是错误的，而财政部和保守党建制派却如此顽固地坚持这一教条，这正是英国经济表现不佳的关键原因之一。
@my tu'pence
When cost is all that matters to producers, they will source where that cost is lowest.
如果成本是生产者唯一考虑的因素，他们就会选择成本最低的供应商。
The EU countries have been hypocritical by e.g. by imposing high environmental standards on local manufacturers and ignoring them when sourcing from outside the block (e.g. rare earths processing). By definition that increases cost in Europe and entices sourcing from abroad.
欧盟国家一直虚伪至极，例如，它们对本地制造商实施高环境标准，却在从欧盟以外采购原材料（例如稀土加工）时无视这些标准。这必然会增加欧洲的成本，并诱使企业从国外采购。
And that behaviour leads to the decline of local industries.
这种行为会导致当地产业衰落。
Add to that anti-competitive behaviour by governments (e.g. China) that for policy reasons subsidise local industries (e.g. solar panels) and you exacerbate the trends of de-industrialisation.
再加上一些政府（例如中国）出于政策原因对当地产业（例如太阳能电池板）进行补贴的反竞争行为，就会加剧去工业化的趋势。
So the EU needs to become more realistic and enforce similar standards. In a world where multilateralism is obviously on the decline that means first protection of its own strategic industries.
因此，欧盟需要更加务实，并执行类似的标准。在多边主义明显衰落的当今世界，这意味着欧盟首先要保护自身的战略产业。
So irrespective of the short term dislocation this type of protectionism will cause, it’s the only way forward.
因此，尽管这种保护主义会在短期内造成混乱，但这却是唯一的出路。
As Carney said:”nostalgia is not a strategy”. I would venture to add a neither are unrealistic expectations of other’s behaviour.
正如卡尼所说：“怀旧不是一种策略”。我还要补充一点，对他人的行为抱有不切实际的期望也同样不是一种策略。
@cfgr
Back to 18th century protectionism, Of the competing theories - protectionism or internationalism, there appears to be no clear evidence of superiority.
回到18世纪的保护主义，在保护主义和国际主义这两种相互竞争的理论中，似乎没有明确的证据表明哪一种更优越。
What is certain, costs will be passed on to the European purchasing public, savings put in company or national pockets.
可以肯定的是，成本将转嫁给欧洲消费者，而节省下来的钱则会落入公司或国家的口袋。
Essentially another means of fleecing the Europen public to bribe local producers.
本质上，这是另一种榨取欧洲公众以贿赂当地生产商的手段。
Meanwhie, European workers are being put on the scrapheap?
与此同时，欧洲工人却被送上了废弃堆？
@FrostWurm5
Sounds good on paper until you talk about the increase in prices.
纸面上听起来不错，但一谈到价格上涨就不那么美好了。
@Please settle all grudges
Buy European defense material should be a mantra hanging above each door.
购买欧洲国防物资应该成为挂在每扇门上的标语。
@Hamlet2
More innovation, better quality, competitive prices will do the trick. Protectionism will lessen innovation, lower quality, raise prices. It is that simple.
更多创新、更高质量、更具竞争力的价格才能解决问题。保护主义只会抑制创新、降低质量、推高价格。就这么简单。
@BotanyWhig
A fascinating read. But I found myself wondering what the overall strategy is. This is not a problem unique to Europe. Governments seem to like to have these sorts of thought bubbles without really being clear on what they are trying to achieve and how this fits within an overall agenda for growth and development.
这篇文章引人入胜。但我读后不禁疑惑，其总体战略究竟是什么？这并非欧洲独有的问题。各国政府似乎都喜欢空想，却并不真正清楚自己究竟想要实现什么目标，以及这些目标如何融入整体的增长和发展议程。
Fundamentally, with anything to do with trade, policy makers are trading off efficiency and competitiveness with other obxtives like protecting local industry and, often merely perceived, notions of ‘security’.
从根本上讲，在任何与贸易有关的事情上，政策制定者都在效率和竞争力与其他目标之间进行权衡，例如保护本地产业，以及（通常只是感知到的）“安全”概念。
The latter goals have costs. I agree with the Swedes and others that European preference should be reserved for a small number of strategic industries.
后一种目标需要付出代价。我同意瑞典和其他国家的观点，即欧洲优先权应该保留给少数战略性产业。
The fundamental problem with protectionism, in all its myriad forms, is that it is a way of managing failure. Europe needs to decide whether it has given up on global competitiveness, which requires internationally connected supply chains and ruthless efficiency and innovation, or still thinks it has a shot at being a world leader - at least in some industries.
保护主义及其各种形式的根本问题在于，它是一种应对失败的方式。欧洲需要决定，它是否已经放弃了全球竞争力——而全球竞争力需要国际互联的供应链、极致的效率和创新——还是仍然认为自己有机会成为世界领导者——至少在某些行业是如此。
The alternative is leveraging the scale of its big market to turn itself into a sort of sheltered workshop, in which local manufacturers are feather-bedded in various ways. The downside of that, of course, is inferior products, higher prices and lower living standards. Which given how economically moribund Europe has been since 2008, is a rather big choice to make.
另一种选择是利用其庞大的市场规模，将自身变成一个庇护工场，以各种方式对当地制造商进行庇护和娇惯。当然，这样做的缺点是产品质量下降、价格上涨和生活水平降低。鉴于欧洲自2008年以来经济一直低迷，这无疑是一个相当艰难的选择。
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