马里首任总统莫迪博·凯塔：他将货币称为权力的工具，法国视他为威胁
正文翻译
This man called currency a tool of power. France called him a threat
这个人将货币称为权力的工具，法国视他为威胁
Modibo Keita, the first president of Mali, believed in combining local traditions with socialist principles
马里首任总统莫迪博·凯塔主张将本土传统与社会主义原则相结合
Mali just celebrated its 65th year of independence from French rule, and the man behind that historic moment was Modibo Keita. A teacher turned revolutionary, he was not simply a politician, but an idealist with a sharp distrust of colonial power.
马里刚刚庆祝脱离法国统治独立 65 周年，而这一历史性时刻背后的关键人物是莫迪博·凯塔。这位从教师转型的革命者不仅是一位政治家，更是一位对殖民权力深怀戒心的理想主义者。
Even before independence, French administrators had flagged him as a political threat. Charles de Gaulle said he was the only head of state to whom he did not have to bow to speak, because of his immense height, which was as high as his hopes for a free and socialist Mali.
早在独立之前，法国殖民官员就将他标记为政治威胁。戴高乐曾表示，凯塔是唯一不用他俯身交谈的国家元首——这不仅因为他异常高大的身形，更因他追求自由社会主义马里的崇高理想与之比肩。
A rebel in the classroom
课堂上的叛逆者
Keita was born in Bamako in 1915 to a Muslim Mandinka family. His early years did not at first hint at global leadership, although some signs did emerge. A talented student, he later attended the École normale William-Ponty in Dakar, an elite training ground for future African leaders. Teachers marked him as brilliant, and hence politically dangerous.
凯塔 1915 年出生于巴马科一个穆斯林曼丁哥族家庭。尽管早年生活并未显露其全球领导力的潜质，但某些征兆已然显现。作为天赋异禀的学生，他后来进入达喀尔的威廉·庞蒂师范学校就读——这所精英学府是培养未来非洲领袖的摇篮。教师们认为他才华横溢，也因此具有政治危险性。
Rumor has it that Keita adopted his jamu (traditional kind of surname marking the specific clan affiliation) to symbolically connect himself with Sunjata Keita, the founder of the great medi Mali Empire. True or not, his jamu is from the ruling clan and resonates with the state’s rich historical legacy.
传闻称凯塔特意选用自己的家族名（标志特定氏族归属的传统姓氏），以象征性地将自己与中世纪马里帝国的建立者松迪亚塔·凯塔联系起来。无论真假，他的姓氏确实源自统治氏族，并与该国丰富的历史遗产相呼应。
The road to power
通往权力之路
After becoming a schoolteacher in rural areas and cities like Sikasso and Timbuktu, Keita quickly turned to political activism. In 1937, he co-founded the Teachers’ unx of French West Africa. By 1943, he was publishing a fiery political journal, “Eye of Kenedougou,” critiquing colonial power. Arrested briefly in 1946, his reputation as a voice for independence only grew.
在成为锡卡索和廷巴克图等乡村及城市地区的教师后，凯塔迅速投身政治活动。1937 年，他参与创建了法属西非教师工会。到 1943 年，他已创办了激进的政论刊物《克内杜古之眼》，批判殖民统治。1946 年虽遭短暂拘禁，但他作为独立运动代言人的声望却与日俱增。
In 1956, Keita became mayor of Bamako and was elected to the French National Assembly. He made history as its first African vice president and twice served in French governments. But he was never one for compromise – his political platform remained deeply anti-colonial and firmly socialist.
1956 年，凯塔当选巴马科市长并进入法国国民议会。他作为首位非洲裔副议长创造了历史，并两度在法国政府任职。但他从不妥协——其政纲始终保持着深刻的反殖民立场和坚定的社会主义路线。
By the late 1950s, independence movements were gaining momentum across Africa. Keita’s party, the US-RDA (The Sudanese unx – African Democratic Rally), won a sweeping victory in Mali’s 1957 elections. A brief attempt at a Mali Federation with Senegal soon failed. The two leaders had divergent visions: Senegal’s Leopold Sedar Senghor was more pro-French, even adopting the identity of “Afro-French.” Keita, by contrast, stood firmly against neocolonial entanglements.
20 世纪 50 年代末，非洲独立运动风起云涌。凯塔领导的苏丹联盟-非洲民主联盟党在 1957 年马里选举中取得压倒性胜利。与塞内加尔组建马里联邦的短暂尝试很快破裂——两位领导人理念迥异：塞内加尔的桑戈尔更亲法，甚至自称"非洲法国人"；而凯塔则坚决反对新殖民主义的羁绊。
From Marx to Rousseau
从马克思到卢梭
On September 22, 1960, Mali became a sovereign nation. Keita, its first president, led the country out of the French Community right into a new era. Just two years later, the national anthem, penned by Seydou Badian Kouyate – a close ally of Keita – put that vision into words:
1960 年 9 月 22 日，马里成为主权国家。首任总统凯塔带领国家退出法兰西共同体，开启了新时代。仅仅两年后，由凯塔密友库亚特创作的新国歌便将这一愿景凝练成词：
“For Africa and for you, Mali,
"为了非洲也为了你，马里"
Our banner shall be liberty.
我们的旗帜将是自由。
For Africa and for you, Mali,
为了非洲，也为了你，马里，
Our fight shall be for unity.”
我们的斗争将致力于团结。
Even today, as Mali works toward deeper regional integration with fellow Sahel states, those lines feel as timely as ever.
时至今日，当马里正致力于与萨赫勒地区国家深化区域一体化时，这些界限的重要性依然如故。
Keita’s political beliefs were a blend of global ideologies and local values. From Marxism, he took humanism and equality; from Lenin, his understanding of party structure and anti-imperialism; and from Rousseau, the notion of collective will. Yet, his views reflected traditional Islamic values, such as asceticism, moral discipline, brotherhood, and a sense of national dignity rooted in history. He believed in combining local traditions with modern socialist principles. Though some of his views appeared utopian, they were in fact pragmatic. He focused on the real needs of Malian society, viewing socialism as a means to achieve independence and social progress.
凯塔的政治信仰融合了全球思想与本土价值观。从马克思主义中，他汲取了人文主义与平等理念；从列宁那里，继承了对政党架构的理解与反帝立场；而卢梭则赋予他集体意志的概念。然而，他的观点也折射出传统伊斯兰价值观，如禁欲主义、道德自律、兄弟情谊，以及根植于历史的民族尊严感。他坚信应当将本土传统与现代社会主义原则相结合。尽管某些观点看似乌托邦，实则极具现实意义。他始终关注马里社会的真实需求，将社会主义视作实现国家独立与社会进步的工具。
Tuareg rebellion and Paris behind it
图阿雷格叛乱与背后的巴黎
Shortly after taking office, Keita was confronted with a challenge that would plague Malian leaders for decades to come: the Tuareg rebellion. What began as a skirmish between Malian soldiers and Tuareg nomads in 1963 escalated into a full-scale conflict in the north. The rebellion was put down by 1964, but the tensions remained unresolved.
凯塔上任后不久，便面临一个困扰马里领导人数十年的挑战：图阿雷格叛乱。1963 年马里士兵与图阿雷格游牧民族间的小规模冲突，最终升级为北部全面战争。虽然叛乱于 1964 年被镇压，但紧张局势始终未能化解。
Mali’s new government suspected Paris of plotting to split the Sahara off as a separate entity, and they may have had good reason to suspect this. At the end of 1959, French officers had summoned Tuareg leaders from Gao, Kidal, Menaka, and Bourem, urging them to oppose Mali’s impending independence. The officers implied that if they were not ready for independence, they ought to ask Dakar to let France remain until they were able to go their own way.
马里新政府怀疑巴黎密谋将撒哈拉地区分裂为独立实体，这种怀疑不无道理。1959 年末，法国军官曾召集来自加奥、基达尔、梅纳卡和布雷姆的图阿雷格首领，怂恿他们反对马里即将到来的独立。这些军官暗示，若他们尚未做好独立准备，应当要求达喀尔允许法国继续驻留，直至其具备自治能力。
Today, separatism remains one of the central political challenges for Mali. The first rebellion created a cycle of mistrust and resentment between the central government and Tuareg communities that never fully healed.
时至今日，分离主义仍是马里核心政治难题之一。首次叛乱在中央政府与图阿雷格社群间埋下了猜忌与怨恨的恶性循环，这道裂痕始终未能完全弥合。
The 2012 Tuareg revolt, led by the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), was quickly hijacked by jihadist groups. Thus, what began as an identity-based struggle in the 1960s morphed into global terrorism, destabilizing the entire Sahel region.
2012 年由图阿雷格族主导的"阿扎瓦德民族解放运动"（MNLA）发动叛乱，却迅速被极端主义组织劫持。这场始于 1960 年代的身份认同斗争，最终演变为威胁整个萨赫勒地区安全的全球恐怖主义浪潮。
“Currency is a guarantee of freedom”
"货币是自由的保障"
Keita’s government wasted no time. It nationalized key industries – banks, transportation, and trade. In 1961, the state created SOMIEX (Malian Import and Export Company) to push out foreign commercial interests. At the time, 90% of Mali’s exports and 75% of its imports involved France, and that had to change.
凯塔政府雷厉风行，迅速将关键行业——银行、交通和贸易——收归国有。1961 年，国家成立马里进出口公司（SOMIEX），以排除外国商业利益。当时马里 90%的出口和 75%的进口都涉及法国，这种局面必须改变。
The economic model relied on cooperation, collective agricultural labor, and the redistribution of income to benefit the poorest. Rather than dismantling them, traditional forms of communal labor in villages were maintained and modernized. Keita emphasized that undermining these traditions would be a mistake.
该经济模式依托合作制、集体农业劳动和收入再分配来惠及最贫困群体。乡村传统的集体劳动形式不仅未被废除，反而得到保留和现代化改造。凯塔强调，破坏这些传统将是一种错误。
In 1962, the Malian franc was established and Mali left the West African Monetary unx. The Malian franc replaced the CFA franc as the country’s currency between July 1, 1962 and July 1, 1984. Keita once declared to the National Assembly: “You don’t need to be an economist to know that currency, at the national level, is both a guarantee of freedom and, even better, an instrument of power.”
1962 年，马里法郎正式创立，马里退出西非货币联盟。在 1962 年 7 月 1 日至 1984 年 7 月 1 日期间，马里法郎取代非洲金融共同体法郎成为该国法定货币。凯塔曾在国民议会宣告："无需成为经济学家也能明白，在国家层面，货币既是自由的保障，更是权力的工具。"
However, the economy struggled. From 1961 to 1968, growth averaged just 0.5% annually. Meanwhile, government spending increased by 15%, resulting in a debt of approximately 150 billion francs by 1968. Ironically, France remained Mali’s largest creditor (49.2%).
然而经济却举步维艰。1961 年至 1968 年间，年均增长率仅为 0.5%。与此同时，政府支出增加了 15%，导致 1968 年债务达到约 1500 亿法郎。具有讽刺意味的是，法国仍是马里最大的债权国（占比 49.2%）。
“Help from the Eastern Bloc does not affect the dignity”
“来自东方阵营的援助无损尊严”
In the early years following its independence, Mali sought allies beyond the influence of France. As early as September 1960, a Malian delegation traveled to Conakry (Guinea) to begin negotiations with representatives of socialist countries.
独立初期，马里便在法国影响力之外寻找盟友。早在 1960 年 9 月，马里代表团就前往几内亚科纳克里，开始与社会主义国家代表进行谈判。
“We have found that help from the Eastern Bloc is always immediate help and does not offend the susceptibility or the dignity of the receiving country,” Modibo said. “One often forgets how much dexterity is needed not to injure the pride and offend the dignity of the receiving country.”
莫迪博表示："我们发现东方阵营的援助总是及时雨，且不会冒犯受援国的敏感神经或损害其尊严。人们常常忽视了，要做到不伤害受援国自尊、不冒犯其尊严，需要多么高超的外交技巧。"
The USSR opened an embassy in Bamako in January 1961. It helped with everything from mineral exploration to stadium construction, supported Air Mali with aircraft and training, and by 1963 had over 280 technical experts working in the country.
苏联于 1961 年 1 月在巴马科开设大使馆。他们提供了从矿产勘探到体育场馆建设的全方位援助，向马里航空公司提供飞机与培训支持，至 1963 年已有超过 280 名技术专家在该国工作。
Mali’s military, once reliant on France, was reequipped by the USSR. Soviet instructors trained troops and mechanics. Some reports suggest secret agreements even allowed Soviet intervention if Keita’s rule were threatened.
马里的军队曾依赖法国，后由苏联重新装备。苏联教官培训部队和机械师。有报告称，秘密协议甚至允许在凯塔统治受到威胁时苏联进行干预。
“The cinema hall is the best evening school”
“电影院是最好的夜校”
Education and culture were equally vital. Starting in 1961, Malian students attended universities throughout the Eastern Bloc. Many of them would become part of the future national elite, including Souleymane Cisse, who graduated from Moscow’s famous VGIK film school and went on to create Yeelen, the first African film to win a major prize at Cannes.
教育与文化同样至关重要。自 1961 年起，马里学生开始就读于东欧集团各国的大学。其中许多人成为未来国家精英的一部分，包括毕业于莫斯科著名的 VGIK 电影学院的苏莱曼·西塞，他后来创作了《光之翼》，这是第一部在戛纳电影节获得大奖的非洲电影。
Cinema was more than entertainment. As Senegalese director Ousmane Sembene said, “The cinema hall is the best evening school of Africa.” The Soviets understood that. They sent projectors, organized festivals, and promoted socialist films. However, France resisted these efforts with disinformation, theater boycotts, and vandalism of film posters. Despite this resistance, cinema became a powerful ideological and educational medium.
电影远不止是娱乐。正如塞内加尔导演乌斯曼·塞姆班所言："电影院是非洲最好的夜校。"苏联人深谙此道。他们送来放映机、组织电影节、推广社会主义电影。然而法国通过散布虚假信息、抵制影院和破坏电影海报等手段阻挠这些努力。尽管遭遇抵制，电影仍成为强有力的意识形态教育媒介。
Today, the cultural bridge endures. Russian-trained alumni in Mali still gather at the Russian House in Bamako, speak fluent Russian, and mentor new students preparing for studies abroad. They host language clubs and even celebrate traditional Russian holidays together, and the Russian House is directed by a Malian, Aliou Tounkara.
如今，这座文化桥梁依然存在。马里那些受过俄罗斯教育的校友们仍会聚集在巴马科的俄罗斯之家，说着流利的俄语，辅导准备出国留学的新生。他们组织语言俱乐部，甚至一起庆祝俄罗斯传统节日。而俄罗斯之家的现任主管正是马里人阿里乌·通卡拉。
The coup that closed the first chapter
政变终结了第一篇章
By 1967, mounting economic pressure and internal dissent had taken their toll. Inspired by Maoist China and his close ties with Chinese communists, Keita attempted a cultural revolution à la malienne, but it backfired. Repression increased, and on November 19, 1968, army officers staged a bloodless coup. Lieutenant Moussa Traore seized power, and Keita spent the rest of his life in detention, away from the spotlight, because the incumbent authorities regarded him as a threat.
到 1967 年，日益加剧的经济压力和内部纷争已造成严重损害。受M时代的中国启发，并凭借与中国***人的密切关系，凯塔试图发起一场"马里式文GE"，但适得其反。镇压愈演愈烈，最终在 1968 年 11 月 19 日，军官们发动了一场不流血政变。穆萨·特拉奥雷中尉夺取政权，而凯塔则在当局视其为威胁的情况下，余生都远离公众视线，在监禁中度过。
Keita died in 1977 at the age of 61. The official cause of death was reported as pulmonary edema. However, his death led many to suspect deliberate mistreatment, and his funeral in Hamdallaye sparked violent unrest.
凯塔于 1977 年去世，享年 61 岁。官方公布的死因是肺水肿。然而他的离世引发众多关于蓄意虐待的猜测，在其家乡汉达拉耶举行的葬礼更是引发了暴力骚乱。
Under Alpha Oumar Konare, Keita was posthumously rehabilitated, and his legacy was reintroduced into the public sphere. This process of symbolic recognition culminated in the inauguration of the Modibo Keita memorial in Bamako in 1999. In 2016, Bamako-Senou international airport was officially renamed in honor of Modibo Keita.
在阿尔法·奥马尔·科纳雷执政时期，凯塔获得平反，其政治遗产重新进入公共视野。这一象征性正名过程在 1999 年达到高潮——巴马科的莫迪博·凯塔纪念碑落成。2016 年，巴马科塞努国际机场正式更名为莫迪博·凯塔国际机场以示纪念。
By Tamara A. Andreeva, junior researcher at the Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences
作者：Tamara A. Andreeva，俄罗斯科学院非洲研究所初级研究员
This man called currency a tool of power. France called him a threat
这个人将货币称为权力的工具，法国视他为威胁
Modibo Keita, the first president of Mali, believed in combining local traditions with socialist principles
马里首任总统莫迪博·凯塔主张将本土传统与社会主义原则相结合
Mali just celebrated its 65th year of independence from French rule, and the man behind that historic moment was Modibo Keita. A teacher turned revolutionary, he was not simply a politician, but an idealist with a sharp distrust of colonial power.
马里刚刚庆祝脱离法国统治独立 65 周年，而这一历史性时刻背后的关键人物是莫迪博·凯塔。这位从教师转型的革命者不仅是一位政治家，更是一位对殖民权力深怀戒心的理想主义者。
Even before independence, French administrators had flagged him as a political threat. Charles de Gaulle said he was the only head of state to whom he did not have to bow to speak, because of his immense height, which was as high as his hopes for a free and socialist Mali.
早在独立之前，法国殖民官员就将他标记为政治威胁。戴高乐曾表示，凯塔是唯一不用他俯身交谈的国家元首——这不仅因为他异常高大的身形，更因他追求自由社会主义马里的崇高理想与之比肩。
A rebel in the classroom
课堂上的叛逆者
Keita was born in Bamako in 1915 to a Muslim Mandinka family. His early years did not at first hint at global leadership, although some signs did emerge. A talented student, he later attended the École normale William-Ponty in Dakar, an elite training ground for future African leaders. Teachers marked him as brilliant, and hence politically dangerous.
凯塔 1915 年出生于巴马科一个穆斯林曼丁哥族家庭。尽管早年生活并未显露其全球领导力的潜质，但某些征兆已然显现。作为天赋异禀的学生，他后来进入达喀尔的威廉·庞蒂师范学校就读——这所精英学府是培养未来非洲领袖的摇篮。教师们认为他才华横溢，也因此具有政治危险性。
Rumor has it that Keita adopted his jamu (traditional kind of surname marking the specific clan affiliation) to symbolically connect himself with Sunjata Keita, the founder of the great medi Mali Empire. True or not, his jamu is from the ruling clan and resonates with the state’s rich historical legacy.
传闻称凯塔特意选用自己的家族名（标志特定氏族归属的传统姓氏），以象征性地将自己与中世纪马里帝国的建立者松迪亚塔·凯塔联系起来。无论真假，他的姓氏确实源自统治氏族，并与该国丰富的历史遗产相呼应。
The road to power
通往权力之路
After becoming a schoolteacher in rural areas and cities like Sikasso and Timbuktu, Keita quickly turned to political activism. In 1937, he co-founded the Teachers’ unx of French West Africa. By 1943, he was publishing a fiery political journal, “Eye of Kenedougou,” critiquing colonial power. Arrested briefly in 1946, his reputation as a voice for independence only grew.
在成为锡卡索和廷巴克图等乡村及城市地区的教师后，凯塔迅速投身政治活动。1937 年，他参与创建了法属西非教师工会。到 1943 年，他已创办了激进的政论刊物《克内杜古之眼》，批判殖民统治。1946 年虽遭短暂拘禁，但他作为独立运动代言人的声望却与日俱增。
In 1956, Keita became mayor of Bamako and was elected to the French National Assembly. He made history as its first African vice president and twice served in French governments. But he was never one for compromise – his political platform remained deeply anti-colonial and firmly socialist.
1956 年，凯塔当选巴马科市长并进入法国国民议会。他作为首位非洲裔副议长创造了历史，并两度在法国政府任职。但他从不妥协——其政纲始终保持着深刻的反殖民立场和坚定的社会主义路线。
By the late 1950s, independence movements were gaining momentum across Africa. Keita’s party, the US-RDA (The Sudanese unx – African Democratic Rally), won a sweeping victory in Mali’s 1957 elections. A brief attempt at a Mali Federation with Senegal soon failed. The two leaders had divergent visions: Senegal’s Leopold Sedar Senghor was more pro-French, even adopting the identity of “Afro-French.” Keita, by contrast, stood firmly against neocolonial entanglements.
20 世纪 50 年代末，非洲独立运动风起云涌。凯塔领导的苏丹联盟-非洲民主联盟党在 1957 年马里选举中取得压倒性胜利。与塞内加尔组建马里联邦的短暂尝试很快破裂——两位领导人理念迥异：塞内加尔的桑戈尔更亲法，甚至自称"非洲法国人"；而凯塔则坚决反对新殖民主义的羁绊。
From Marx to Rousseau
从马克思到卢梭
On September 22, 1960, Mali became a sovereign nation. Keita, its first president, led the country out of the French Community right into a new era. Just two years later, the national anthem, penned by Seydou Badian Kouyate – a close ally of Keita – put that vision into words:
1960 年 9 月 22 日，马里成为主权国家。首任总统凯塔带领国家退出法兰西共同体，开启了新时代。仅仅两年后，由凯塔密友库亚特创作的新国歌便将这一愿景凝练成词：
“For Africa and for you, Mali,
"为了非洲也为了你，马里"
Our banner shall be liberty.
我们的旗帜将是自由。
For Africa and for you, Mali,
为了非洲，也为了你，马里，
Our fight shall be for unity.”
我们的斗争将致力于团结。
Even today, as Mali works toward deeper regional integration with fellow Sahel states, those lines feel as timely as ever.
时至今日，当马里正致力于与萨赫勒地区国家深化区域一体化时，这些界限的重要性依然如故。
Keita’s political beliefs were a blend of global ideologies and local values. From Marxism, he took humanism and equality; from Lenin, his understanding of party structure and anti-imperialism; and from Rousseau, the notion of collective will. Yet, his views reflected traditional Islamic values, such as asceticism, moral discipline, brotherhood, and a sense of national dignity rooted in history. He believed in combining local traditions with modern socialist principles. Though some of his views appeared utopian, they were in fact pragmatic. He focused on the real needs of Malian society, viewing socialism as a means to achieve independence and social progress.
凯塔的政治信仰融合了全球思想与本土价值观。从马克思主义中，他汲取了人文主义与平等理念；从列宁那里，继承了对政党架构的理解与反帝立场；而卢梭则赋予他集体意志的概念。然而，他的观点也折射出传统伊斯兰价值观，如禁欲主义、道德自律、兄弟情谊，以及根植于历史的民族尊严感。他坚信应当将本土传统与现代社会主义原则相结合。尽管某些观点看似乌托邦，实则极具现实意义。他始终关注马里社会的真实需求，将社会主义视作实现国家独立与社会进步的工具。
Tuareg rebellion and Paris behind it
图阿雷格叛乱与背后的巴黎
Shortly after taking office, Keita was confronted with a challenge that would plague Malian leaders for decades to come: the Tuareg rebellion. What began as a skirmish between Malian soldiers and Tuareg nomads in 1963 escalated into a full-scale conflict in the north. The rebellion was put down by 1964, but the tensions remained unresolved.
凯塔上任后不久，便面临一个困扰马里领导人数十年的挑战：图阿雷格叛乱。1963 年马里士兵与图阿雷格游牧民族间的小规模冲突，最终升级为北部全面战争。虽然叛乱于 1964 年被镇压，但紧张局势始终未能化解。
Mali’s new government suspected Paris of plotting to split the Sahara off as a separate entity, and they may have had good reason to suspect this. At the end of 1959, French officers had summoned Tuareg leaders from Gao, Kidal, Menaka, and Bourem, urging them to oppose Mali’s impending independence. The officers implied that if they were not ready for independence, they ought to ask Dakar to let France remain until they were able to go their own way.
马里新政府怀疑巴黎密谋将撒哈拉地区分裂为独立实体，这种怀疑不无道理。1959 年末，法国军官曾召集来自加奥、基达尔、梅纳卡和布雷姆的图阿雷格首领，怂恿他们反对马里即将到来的独立。这些军官暗示，若他们尚未做好独立准备，应当要求达喀尔允许法国继续驻留，直至其具备自治能力。
Today, separatism remains one of the central political challenges for Mali. The first rebellion created a cycle of mistrust and resentment between the central government and Tuareg communities that never fully healed.
时至今日，分离主义仍是马里核心政治难题之一。首次叛乱在中央政府与图阿雷格社群间埋下了猜忌与怨恨的恶性循环，这道裂痕始终未能完全弥合。
The 2012 Tuareg revolt, led by the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), was quickly hijacked by jihadist groups. Thus, what began as an identity-based struggle in the 1960s morphed into global terrorism, destabilizing the entire Sahel region.
2012 年由图阿雷格族主导的"阿扎瓦德民族解放运动"（MNLA）发动叛乱，却迅速被极端主义组织劫持。这场始于 1960 年代的身份认同斗争，最终演变为威胁整个萨赫勒地区安全的全球恐怖主义浪潮。
“Currency is a guarantee of freedom”
"货币是自由的保障"
Keita’s government wasted no time. It nationalized key industries – banks, transportation, and trade. In 1961, the state created SOMIEX (Malian Import and Export Company) to push out foreign commercial interests. At the time, 90% of Mali’s exports and 75% of its imports involved France, and that had to change.
凯塔政府雷厉风行，迅速将关键行业——银行、交通和贸易——收归国有。1961 年，国家成立马里进出口公司（SOMIEX），以排除外国商业利益。当时马里 90%的出口和 75%的进口都涉及法国，这种局面必须改变。
The economic model relied on cooperation, collective agricultural labor, and the redistribution of income to benefit the poorest. Rather than dismantling them, traditional forms of communal labor in villages were maintained and modernized. Keita emphasized that undermining these traditions would be a mistake.
该经济模式依托合作制、集体农业劳动和收入再分配来惠及最贫困群体。乡村传统的集体劳动形式不仅未被废除，反而得到保留和现代化改造。凯塔强调，破坏这些传统将是一种错误。
In 1962, the Malian franc was established and Mali left the West African Monetary unx. The Malian franc replaced the CFA franc as the country’s currency between July 1, 1962 and July 1, 1984. Keita once declared to the National Assembly: “You don’t need to be an economist to know that currency, at the national level, is both a guarantee of freedom and, even better, an instrument of power.”
1962 年，马里法郎正式创立，马里退出西非货币联盟。在 1962 年 7 月 1 日至 1984 年 7 月 1 日期间，马里法郎取代非洲金融共同体法郎成为该国法定货币。凯塔曾在国民议会宣告："无需成为经济学家也能明白，在国家层面，货币既是自由的保障，更是权力的工具。"
However, the economy struggled. From 1961 to 1968, growth averaged just 0.5% annually. Meanwhile, government spending increased by 15%, resulting in a debt of approximately 150 billion francs by 1968. Ironically, France remained Mali’s largest creditor (49.2%).
然而经济却举步维艰。1961 年至 1968 年间，年均增长率仅为 0.5%。与此同时，政府支出增加了 15%，导致 1968 年债务达到约 1500 亿法郎。具有讽刺意味的是，法国仍是马里最大的债权国（占比 49.2%）。
“Help from the Eastern Bloc does not affect the dignity”
“来自东方阵营的援助无损尊严”
In the early years following its independence, Mali sought allies beyond the influence of France. As early as September 1960, a Malian delegation traveled to Conakry (Guinea) to begin negotiations with representatives of socialist countries.
独立初期，马里便在法国影响力之外寻找盟友。早在 1960 年 9 月，马里代表团就前往几内亚科纳克里，开始与社会主义国家代表进行谈判。
“We have found that help from the Eastern Bloc is always immediate help and does not offend the susceptibility or the dignity of the receiving country,” Modibo said. “One often forgets how much dexterity is needed not to injure the pride and offend the dignity of the receiving country.”
莫迪博表示："我们发现东方阵营的援助总是及时雨，且不会冒犯受援国的敏感神经或损害其尊严。人们常常忽视了，要做到不伤害受援国自尊、不冒犯其尊严，需要多么高超的外交技巧。"
The USSR opened an embassy in Bamako in January 1961. It helped with everything from mineral exploration to stadium construction, supported Air Mali with aircraft and training, and by 1963 had over 280 technical experts working in the country.
苏联于 1961 年 1 月在巴马科开设大使馆。他们提供了从矿产勘探到体育场馆建设的全方位援助，向马里航空公司提供飞机与培训支持，至 1963 年已有超过 280 名技术专家在该国工作。
Mali’s military, once reliant on France, was reequipped by the USSR. Soviet instructors trained troops and mechanics. Some reports suggest secret agreements even allowed Soviet intervention if Keita’s rule were threatened.
马里的军队曾依赖法国，后由苏联重新装备。苏联教官培训部队和机械师。有报告称，秘密协议甚至允许在凯塔统治受到威胁时苏联进行干预。
“The cinema hall is the best evening school”
“电影院是最好的夜校”
Education and culture were equally vital. Starting in 1961, Malian students attended universities throughout the Eastern Bloc. Many of them would become part of the future national elite, including Souleymane Cisse, who graduated from Moscow’s famous VGIK film school and went on to create Yeelen, the first African film to win a major prize at Cannes.
教育与文化同样至关重要。自 1961 年起，马里学生开始就读于东欧集团各国的大学。其中许多人成为未来国家精英的一部分，包括毕业于莫斯科著名的 VGIK 电影学院的苏莱曼·西塞，他后来创作了《光之翼》，这是第一部在戛纳电影节获得大奖的非洲电影。
Cinema was more than entertainment. As Senegalese director Ousmane Sembene said, “The cinema hall is the best evening school of Africa.” The Soviets understood that. They sent projectors, organized festivals, and promoted socialist films. However, France resisted these efforts with disinformation, theater boycotts, and vandalism of film posters. Despite this resistance, cinema became a powerful ideological and educational medium.
电影远不止是娱乐。正如塞内加尔导演乌斯曼·塞姆班所言："电影院是非洲最好的夜校。"苏联人深谙此道。他们送来放映机、组织电影节、推广社会主义电影。然而法国通过散布虚假信息、抵制影院和破坏电影海报等手段阻挠这些努力。尽管遭遇抵制，电影仍成为强有力的意识形态教育媒介。
Today, the cultural bridge endures. Russian-trained alumni in Mali still gather at the Russian House in Bamako, speak fluent Russian, and mentor new students preparing for studies abroad. They host language clubs and even celebrate traditional Russian holidays together, and the Russian House is directed by a Malian, Aliou Tounkara.
如今，这座文化桥梁依然存在。马里那些受过俄罗斯教育的校友们仍会聚集在巴马科的俄罗斯之家，说着流利的俄语，辅导准备出国留学的新生。他们组织语言俱乐部，甚至一起庆祝俄罗斯传统节日。而俄罗斯之家的现任主管正是马里人阿里乌·通卡拉。
The coup that closed the first chapter
政变终结了第一篇章
By 1967, mounting economic pressure and internal dissent had taken their toll. Inspired by Maoist China and his close ties with Chinese communists, Keita attempted a cultural revolution à la malienne, but it backfired. Repression increased, and on November 19, 1968, army officers staged a bloodless coup. Lieutenant Moussa Traore seized power, and Keita spent the rest of his life in detention, away from the spotlight, because the incumbent authorities regarded him as a threat.
到 1967 年，日益加剧的经济压力和内部纷争已造成严重损害。受M时代的中国启发，并凭借与中国***人的密切关系，凯塔试图发起一场"马里式文GE"，但适得其反。镇压愈演愈烈，最终在 1968 年 11 月 19 日，军官们发动了一场不流血政变。穆萨·特拉奥雷中尉夺取政权，而凯塔则在当局视其为威胁的情况下，余生都远离公众视线，在监禁中度过。
Keita died in 1977 at the age of 61. The official cause of death was reported as pulmonary edema. However, his death led many to suspect deliberate mistreatment, and his funeral in Hamdallaye sparked violent unrest.
凯塔于 1977 年去世，享年 61 岁。官方公布的死因是肺水肿。然而他的离世引发众多关于蓄意虐待的猜测，在其家乡汉达拉耶举行的葬礼更是引发了暴力骚乱。
Under Alpha Oumar Konare, Keita was posthumously rehabilitated, and his legacy was reintroduced into the public sphere. This process of symbolic recognition culminated in the inauguration of the Modibo Keita memorial in Bamako in 1999. In 2016, Bamako-Senou international airport was officially renamed in honor of Modibo Keita.
在阿尔法·奥马尔·科纳雷执政时期，凯塔获得平反，其政治遗产重新进入公共视野。这一象征性正名过程在 1999 年达到高潮——巴马科的莫迪博·凯塔纪念碑落成。2016 年，巴马科塞努国际机场正式更名为莫迪博·凯塔国际机场以示纪念。
By Tamara A. Andreeva, junior researcher at the Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences
作者：Tamara A. Andreeva，俄罗斯科学院非洲研究所初级研究员
评论翻译
This man called currency a tool of power. France called him a threat
这个人将货币称为权力的工具，法国视他为威胁
Modibo Keita, the first president of Mali, believed in combining local traditions with socialist principles
马里首任总统莫迪博·凯塔主张将本土传统与社会主义原则相结合
Mali just celebrated its 65th year of independence from French rule, and the man behind that historic moment was Modibo Keita. A teacher turned revolutionary, he was not simply a politician, but an idealist with a sharp distrust of colonial power.
马里刚刚庆祝脱离法国统治独立 65 周年，而这一历史性时刻背后的关键人物是莫迪博·凯塔。这位从教师转型的革命者不仅是一位政治家，更是一位对殖民权力深怀戒心的理想主义者。
Even before independence, French administrators had flagged him as a political threat. Charles de Gaulle said he was the only head of state to whom he did not have to bow to speak, because of his immense height, which was as high as his hopes for a free and socialist Mali.
早在独立之前，法国殖民官员就将他标记为政治威胁。戴高乐曾表示，凯塔是唯一不用他俯身交谈的国家元首——这不仅因为他异常高大的身形，更因他追求自由社会主义马里的崇高理想与之比肩。
A rebel in the classroom
课堂上的叛逆者
Keita was born in Bamako in 1915 to a Muslim Mandinka family. His early years did not at first hint at global leadership, although some signs did emerge. A talented student, he later attended the École normale William-Ponty in Dakar, an elite training ground for future African leaders. Teachers marked him as brilliant, and hence politically dangerous.
凯塔 1915 年出生于巴马科一个穆斯林曼丁哥族家庭。尽管早年生活并未显露其全球领导力的潜质，但某些征兆已然显现。作为天赋异禀的学生，他后来进入达喀尔的威廉·庞蒂师范学校就读——这所精英学府是培养未来非洲领袖的摇篮。教师们认为他才华横溢，也因此具有政治危险性。
Rumor has it that Keita adopted his jamu (traditional kind of surname marking the specific clan affiliation) to symbolically connect himself with Sunjata Keita, the founder of the great medi Mali Empire. True or not, his jamu is from the ruling clan and resonates with the state’s rich historical legacy.
传闻称凯塔特意选用自己的家族名（标志特定氏族归属的传统姓氏），以象征性地将自己与中世纪马里帝国的建立者松迪亚塔·凯塔联系起来。无论真假，他的姓氏确实源自统治氏族，并与该国丰富的历史遗产相呼应。
The road to power
通往权力之路
After becoming a schoolteacher in rural areas and cities like Sikasso and Timbuktu, Keita quickly turned to political activism. In 1937, he co-founded the Teachers’ unx of French West Africa. By 1943, he was publishing a fiery political journal, “Eye of Kenedougou,” critiquing colonial power. Arrested briefly in 1946, his reputation as a voice for independence only grew.
在成为锡卡索和廷巴克图等乡村及城市地区的教师后，凯塔迅速投身政治活动。1937 年，他参与创建了法属西非教师工会。到 1943 年，他已创办了激进的政论刊物《克内杜古之眼》，批判殖民统治。1946 年虽遭短暂拘禁，但他作为独立运动代言人的声望却与日俱增。
In 1956, Keita became mayor of Bamako and was elected to the French National Assembly. He made history as its first African vice president and twice served in French governments. But he was never one for compromise – his political platform remained deeply anti-colonial and firmly socialist.
1956 年，凯塔当选巴马科市长并进入法国国民议会。他作为首位非洲裔副议长创造了历史，并两度在法国政府任职。但他从不妥协——其政纲始终保持着深刻的反殖民立场和坚定的社会主义路线。
By the late 1950s, independence movements were gaining momentum across Africa. Keita’s party, the US-RDA (The Sudanese unx – African Democratic Rally), won a sweeping victory in Mali’s 1957 elections. A brief attempt at a Mali Federation with Senegal soon failed. The two leaders had divergent visions: Senegal’s Leopold Sedar Senghor was more pro-French, even adopting the identity of “Afro-French.” Keita, by contrast, stood firmly against neocolonial entanglements.
20 世纪 50 年代末，非洲独立运动风起云涌。凯塔领导的苏丹联盟-非洲民主联盟党在 1957 年马里选举中取得压倒性胜利。与塞内加尔组建马里联邦的短暂尝试很快破裂——两位领导人理念迥异：塞内加尔的桑戈尔更亲法，甚至自称"非洲法国人"；而凯塔则坚决反对新殖民主义的羁绊。
From Marx to Rousseau
从马克思到卢梭
On September 22, 1960, Mali became a sovereign nation. Keita, its first president, led the country out of the French Community right into a new era. Just two years later, the national anthem, penned by Seydou Badian Kouyate – a close ally of Keita – put that vision into words:
1960 年 9 月 22 日，马里成为主权国家。首任总统凯塔带领国家退出法兰西共同体，开启了新时代。仅仅两年后，由凯塔密友库亚特创作的新国歌便将这一愿景凝练成词：
“For Africa and for you, Mali,
"为了非洲也为了你，马里"
Our banner shall be liberty.
我们的旗帜将是自由。
For Africa and for you, Mali,
为了非洲，也为了你，马里，
Our fight shall be for unity.”
我们的斗争将致力于团结。
Even today, as Mali works toward deeper regional integration with fellow Sahel states, those lines feel as timely as ever.
时至今日，当马里正致力于与萨赫勒地区国家深化区域一体化时，这些界限的重要性依然如故。
Keita’s political beliefs were a blend of global ideologies and local values. From Marxism, he took humanism and equality; from Lenin, his understanding of party structure and anti-imperialism; and from Rousseau, the notion of collective will. Yet, his views reflected traditional Islamic values, such as asceticism, moral discipline, brotherhood, and a sense of national dignity rooted in history. He believed in combining local traditions with modern socialist principles. Though some of his views appeared utopian, they were in fact pragmatic. He focused on the real needs of Malian society, viewing socialism as a means to achieve independence and social progress.
凯塔的政治信仰融合了全球思想与本土价值观。从马克思主义中，他汲取了人文主义与平等理念；从列宁那里，继承了对政党架构的理解与反帝立场；而卢梭则赋予他集体意志的概念。然而，他的观点也折射出传统伊斯兰价值观，如禁欲主义、道德自律、兄弟情谊，以及根植于历史的民族尊严感。他坚信应当将本土传统与现代社会主义原则相结合。尽管某些观点看似乌托邦，实则极具现实意义。他始终关注马里社会的真实需求，将社会主义视作实现国家独立与社会进步的工具。
Tuareg rebellion and Paris behind it
图阿雷格叛乱与背后的巴黎
Shortly after taking office, Keita was confronted with a challenge that would plague Malian leaders for decades to come: the Tuareg rebellion. What began as a skirmish between Malian soldiers and Tuareg nomads in 1963 escalated into a full-scale conflict in the north. The rebellion was put down by 1964, but the tensions remained unresolved.
凯塔上任后不久，便面临一个困扰马里领导人数十年的挑战：图阿雷格叛乱。1963 年马里士兵与图阿雷格游牧民族间的小规模冲突，最终升级为北部全面战争。虽然叛乱于 1964 年被镇压，但紧张局势始终未能化解。
Mali’s new government suspected Paris of plotting to split the Sahara off as a separate entity, and they may have had good reason to suspect this. At the end of 1959, French officers had summoned Tuareg leaders from Gao, Kidal, Menaka, and Bourem, urging them to oppose Mali’s impending independence. The officers implied that if they were not ready for independence, they ought to ask Dakar to let France remain until they were able to go their own way.
马里新政府怀疑巴黎密谋将撒哈拉地区分裂为独立实体，这种怀疑不无道理。1959 年末，法国军官曾召集来自加奥、基达尔、梅纳卡和布雷姆的图阿雷格首领，怂恿他们反对马里即将到来的独立。这些军官暗示，若他们尚未做好独立准备，应当要求达喀尔允许法国继续驻留，直至其具备自治能力。
Today, separatism remains one of the central political challenges for Mali. The first rebellion created a cycle of mistrust and resentment between the central government and Tuareg communities that never fully healed.
时至今日，分离主义仍是马里核心政治难题之一。首次叛乱在中央政府与图阿雷格社群间埋下了猜忌与怨恨的恶性循环，这道裂痕始终未能完全弥合。
The 2012 Tuareg revolt, led by the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), was quickly hijacked by jihadist groups. Thus, what began as an identity-based struggle in the 1960s morphed into global terrorism, destabilizing the entire Sahel region.
2012 年由图阿雷格族主导的"阿扎瓦德民族解放运动"（MNLA）发动叛乱，却迅速被极端主义组织劫持。这场始于 1960 年代的身份认同斗争，最终演变为威胁整个萨赫勒地区安全的全球恐怖主义浪潮。
“Currency is a guarantee of freedom”
"货币是自由的保障"
Keita’s government wasted no time. It nationalized key industries – banks, transportation, and trade. In 1961, the state created SOMIEX (Malian Import and Export Company) to push out foreign commercial interests. At the time, 90% of Mali’s exports and 75% of its imports involved France, and that had to change.
凯塔政府雷厉风行，迅速将关键行业——银行、交通和贸易——收归国有。1961 年，国家成立马里进出口公司（SOMIEX），以排除外国商业利益。当时马里 90%的出口和 75%的进口都涉及法国，这种局面必须改变。
The economic model relied on cooperation, collective agricultural labor, and the redistribution of income to benefit the poorest. Rather than dismantling them, traditional forms of communal labor in villages were maintained and modernized. Keita emphasized that undermining these traditions would be a mistake.
该经济模式依托合作制、集体农业劳动和收入再分配来惠及最贫困群体。乡村传统的集体劳动形式不仅未被废除，反而得到保留和现代化改造。凯塔强调，破坏这些传统将是一种错误。
In 1962, the Malian franc was established and Mali left the West African Monetary unx. The Malian franc replaced the CFA franc as the country’s currency between July 1, 1962 and July 1, 1984. Keita once declared to the National Assembly: “You don’t need to be an economist to know that currency, at the national level, is both a guarantee of freedom and, even better, an instrument of power.”
1962 年，马里法郎正式创立，马里退出西非货币联盟。在 1962 年 7 月 1 日至 1984 年 7 月 1 日期间，马里法郎取代非洲金融共同体法郎成为该国法定货币。凯塔曾在国民议会宣告："无需成为经济学家也能明白，在国家层面，货币既是自由的保障，更是权力的工具。"
However, the economy struggled. From 1961 to 1968, growth averaged just 0.5% annually. Meanwhile, government spending increased by 15%, resulting in a debt of approximately 150 billion francs by 1968. Ironically, France remained Mali’s largest creditor (49.2%).
然而经济却举步维艰。1961 年至 1968 年间，年均增长率仅为 0.5%。与此同时，政府支出增加了 15%，导致 1968 年债务达到约 1500 亿法郎。具有讽刺意味的是，法国仍是马里最大的债权国（占比 49.2%）。
“Help from the Eastern Bloc does not affect the dignity”
“来自东方阵营的援助无损尊严”
In the early years following its independence, Mali sought allies beyond the influence of France. As early as September 1960, a Malian delegation traveled to Conakry (Guinea) to begin negotiations with representatives of socialist countries.
独立初期，马里便在法国影响力之外寻找盟友。早在 1960 年 9 月，马里代表团就前往几内亚科纳克里，开始与社会主义国家代表进行谈判。
“We have found that help from the Eastern Bloc is always immediate help and does not offend the susceptibility or the dignity of the receiving country,” Modibo said. “One often forgets how much dexterity is needed not to injure the pride and offend the dignity of the receiving country.”
莫迪博表示："我们发现东方阵营的援助总是及时雨，且不会冒犯受援国的敏感神经或损害其尊严。人们常常忽视了，要做到不伤害受援国自尊、不冒犯其尊严，需要多么高超的外交技巧。"
The USSR opened an embassy in Bamako in January 1961. It helped with everything from mineral exploration to stadium construction, supported Air Mali with aircraft and training, and by 1963 had over 280 technical experts working in the country.
苏联于 1961 年 1 月在巴马科开设大使馆。他们提供了从矿产勘探到体育场馆建设的全方位援助，向马里航空公司提供飞机与培训支持，至 1963 年已有超过 280 名技术专家在该国工作。
Mali’s military, once reliant on France, was reequipped by the USSR. Soviet instructors trained troops and mechanics. Some reports suggest secret agreements even allowed Soviet intervention if Keita’s rule were threatened.
马里的军队曾依赖法国，后由苏联重新装备。苏联教官培训部队和机械师。有报告称，秘密协议甚至允许在凯塔统治受到威胁时苏联进行干预。
“The cinema hall is the best evening school”
“电影院是最好的夜校”
Education and culture were equally vital. Starting in 1961, Malian students attended universities throughout the Eastern Bloc. Many of them would become part of the future national elite, including Souleymane Cisse, who graduated from Moscow’s famous VGIK film school and went on to create Yeelen, the first African film to win a major prize at Cannes.
教育与文化同样至关重要。自 1961 年起，马里学生开始就读于东欧集团各国的大学。其中许多人成为未来国家精英的一部分，包括毕业于莫斯科著名的 VGIK 电影学院的苏莱曼·西塞，他后来创作了《光之翼》，这是第一部在戛纳电影节获得大奖的非洲电影。
Cinema was more than entertainment. As Senegalese director Ousmane Sembene said, “The cinema hall is the best evening school of Africa.” The Soviets understood that. They sent projectors, organized festivals, and promoted socialist films. However, France resisted these efforts with disinformation, theater boycotts, and vandalism of film posters. Despite this resistance, cinema became a powerful ideological and educational medium.
电影远不止是娱乐。正如塞内加尔导演乌斯曼·塞姆班所言："电影院是非洲最好的夜校。"苏联人深谙此道。他们送来放映机、组织电影节、推广社会主义电影。然而法国通过散布虚假信息、抵制影院和破坏电影海报等手段阻挠这些努力。尽管遭遇抵制，电影仍成为强有力的意识形态教育媒介。
Today, the cultural bridge endures. Russian-trained alumni in Mali still gather at the Russian House in Bamako, speak fluent Russian, and mentor new students preparing for studies abroad. They host language clubs and even celebrate traditional Russian holidays together, and the Russian House is directed by a Malian, Aliou Tounkara.
如今，这座文化桥梁依然存在。马里那些受过俄罗斯教育的校友们仍会聚集在巴马科的俄罗斯之家，说着流利的俄语，辅导准备出国留学的新生。他们组织语言俱乐部，甚至一起庆祝俄罗斯传统节日。而俄罗斯之家的现任主管正是马里人阿里乌·通卡拉。
The coup that closed the first chapter
政变终结了第一篇章
By 1967, mounting economic pressure and internal dissent had taken their toll. Inspired by Maoist China and his close ties with Chinese communists, Keita attempted a cultural revolution à la malienne, but it backfired. Repression increased, and on November 19, 1968, army officers staged a bloodless coup. Lieutenant Moussa Traore seized power, and Keita spent the rest of his life in detention, away from the spotlight, because the incumbent authorities regarded him as a threat.
到 1967 年，日益加剧的经济压力和内部纷争已造成严重损害。受M时代的中国启发，并凭借与中国***人的密切关系，凯塔试图发起一场"马里式文GE"，但适得其反。镇压愈演愈烈，最终在 1968 年 11 月 19 日，军官们发动了一场不流血政变。穆萨·特拉奥雷中尉夺取政权，而凯塔则在当局视其为威胁的情况下，余生都远离公众视线，在监禁中度过。
Keita died in 1977 at the age of 61. The official cause of death was reported as pulmonary edema. However, his death led many to suspect deliberate mistreatment, and his funeral in Hamdallaye sparked violent unrest.
凯塔于 1977 年去世，享年 61 岁。官方公布的死因是肺水肿。然而他的离世引发众多关于蓄意虐待的猜测，在其家乡汉达拉耶举行的葬礼更是引发了暴力骚乱。
Under Alpha Oumar Konare, Keita was posthumously rehabilitated, and his legacy was reintroduced into the public sphere. This process of symbolic recognition culminated in the inauguration of the Modibo Keita memorial in Bamako in 1999. In 2016, Bamako-Senou international airport was officially renamed in honor of Modibo Keita.
在阿尔法·奥马尔·科纳雷执政时期，凯塔获得平反，其政治遗产重新进入公共视野。这一象征性正名过程在 1999 年达到高潮——巴马科的莫迪博·凯塔纪念碑落成。2016 年，巴马科塞努国际机场正式更名为莫迪博·凯塔国际机场以示纪念。
By Tamara A. Andreeva, junior researcher at the Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences
作者：Tamara A. Andreeva，俄罗斯科学院非洲研究所初级研究员
This man called currency a tool of power. France called him a threat
这个人将货币称为权力的工具，法国视他为威胁
Modibo Keita, the first president of Mali, believed in combining local traditions with socialist principles
马里首任总统莫迪博·凯塔主张将本土传统与社会主义原则相结合
Mali just celebrated its 65th year of independence from French rule, and the man behind that historic moment was Modibo Keita. A teacher turned revolutionary, he was not simply a politician, but an idealist with a sharp distrust of colonial power.
马里刚刚庆祝脱离法国统治独立 65 周年，而这一历史性时刻背后的关键人物是莫迪博·凯塔。这位从教师转型的革命者不仅是一位政治家，更是一位对殖民权力深怀戒心的理想主义者。
Even before independence, French administrators had flagged him as a political threat. Charles de Gaulle said he was the only head of state to whom he did not have to bow to speak, because of his immense height, which was as high as his hopes for a free and socialist Mali.
早在独立之前，法国殖民官员就将他标记为政治威胁。戴高乐曾表示，凯塔是唯一不用他俯身交谈的国家元首——这不仅因为他异常高大的身形，更因他追求自由社会主义马里的崇高理想与之比肩。
A rebel in the classroom
课堂上的叛逆者
Keita was born in Bamako in 1915 to a Muslim Mandinka family. His early years did not at first hint at global leadership, although some signs did emerge. A talented student, he later attended the École normale William-Ponty in Dakar, an elite training ground for future African leaders. Teachers marked him as brilliant, and hence politically dangerous.
凯塔 1915 年出生于巴马科一个穆斯林曼丁哥族家庭。尽管早年生活并未显露其全球领导力的潜质，但某些征兆已然显现。作为天赋异禀的学生，他后来进入达喀尔的威廉·庞蒂师范学校就读——这所精英学府是培养未来非洲领袖的摇篮。教师们认为他才华横溢，也因此具有政治危险性。
Rumor has it that Keita adopted his jamu (traditional kind of surname marking the specific clan affiliation) to symbolically connect himself with Sunjata Keita, the founder of the great medi Mali Empire. True or not, his jamu is from the ruling clan and resonates with the state’s rich historical legacy.
传闻称凯塔特意选用自己的家族名（标志特定氏族归属的传统姓氏），以象征性地将自己与中世纪马里帝国的建立者松迪亚塔·凯塔联系起来。无论真假，他的姓氏确实源自统治氏族，并与该国丰富的历史遗产相呼应。
The road to power
通往权力之路
After becoming a schoolteacher in rural areas and cities like Sikasso and Timbuktu, Keita quickly turned to political activism. In 1937, he co-founded the Teachers’ unx of French West Africa. By 1943, he was publishing a fiery political journal, “Eye of Kenedougou,” critiquing colonial power. Arrested briefly in 1946, his reputation as a voice for independence only grew.
在成为锡卡索和廷巴克图等乡村及城市地区的教师后，凯塔迅速投身政治活动。1937 年，他参与创建了法属西非教师工会。到 1943 年，他已创办了激进的政论刊物《克内杜古之眼》，批判殖民统治。1946 年虽遭短暂拘禁，但他作为独立运动代言人的声望却与日俱增。
In 1956, Keita became mayor of Bamako and was elected to the French National Assembly. He made history as its first African vice president and twice served in French governments. But he was never one for compromise – his political platform remained deeply anti-colonial and firmly socialist.
1956 年，凯塔当选巴马科市长并进入法国国民议会。他作为首位非洲裔副议长创造了历史，并两度在法国政府任职。但他从不妥协——其政纲始终保持着深刻的反殖民立场和坚定的社会主义路线。
By the late 1950s, independence movements were gaining momentum across Africa. Keita’s party, the US-RDA (The Sudanese unx – African Democratic Rally), won a sweeping victory in Mali’s 1957 elections. A brief attempt at a Mali Federation with Senegal soon failed. The two leaders had divergent visions: Senegal’s Leopold Sedar Senghor was more pro-French, even adopting the identity of “Afro-French.” Keita, by contrast, stood firmly against neocolonial entanglements.
20 世纪 50 年代末，非洲独立运动风起云涌。凯塔领导的苏丹联盟-非洲民主联盟党在 1957 年马里选举中取得压倒性胜利。与塞内加尔组建马里联邦的短暂尝试很快破裂——两位领导人理念迥异：塞内加尔的桑戈尔更亲法，甚至自称"非洲法国人"；而凯塔则坚决反对新殖民主义的羁绊。
From Marx to Rousseau
从马克思到卢梭
On September 22, 1960, Mali became a sovereign nation. Keita, its first president, led the country out of the French Community right into a new era. Just two years later, the national anthem, penned by Seydou Badian Kouyate – a close ally of Keita – put that vision into words:
1960 年 9 月 22 日，马里成为主权国家。首任总统凯塔带领国家退出法兰西共同体，开启了新时代。仅仅两年后，由凯塔密友库亚特创作的新国歌便将这一愿景凝练成词：
“For Africa and for you, Mali,
"为了非洲也为了你，马里"
Our banner shall be liberty.
我们的旗帜将是自由。
For Africa and for you, Mali,
为了非洲，也为了你，马里，
Our fight shall be for unity.”
我们的斗争将致力于团结。
Even today, as Mali works toward deeper regional integration with fellow Sahel states, those lines feel as timely as ever.
时至今日，当马里正致力于与萨赫勒地区国家深化区域一体化时，这些界限的重要性依然如故。
Keita’s political beliefs were a blend of global ideologies and local values. From Marxism, he took humanism and equality; from Lenin, his understanding of party structure and anti-imperialism; and from Rousseau, the notion of collective will. Yet, his views reflected traditional Islamic values, such as asceticism, moral discipline, brotherhood, and a sense of national dignity rooted in history. He believed in combining local traditions with modern socialist principles. Though some of his views appeared utopian, they were in fact pragmatic. He focused on the real needs of Malian society, viewing socialism as a means to achieve independence and social progress.
凯塔的政治信仰融合了全球思想与本土价值观。从马克思主义中，他汲取了人文主义与平等理念；从列宁那里，继承了对政党架构的理解与反帝立场；而卢梭则赋予他集体意志的概念。然而，他的观点也折射出传统伊斯兰价值观，如禁欲主义、道德自律、兄弟情谊，以及根植于历史的民族尊严感。他坚信应当将本土传统与现代社会主义原则相结合。尽管某些观点看似乌托邦，实则极具现实意义。他始终关注马里社会的真实需求，将社会主义视作实现国家独立与社会进步的工具。
Tuareg rebellion and Paris behind it
图阿雷格叛乱与背后的巴黎
Shortly after taking office, Keita was confronted with a challenge that would plague Malian leaders for decades to come: the Tuareg rebellion. What began as a skirmish between Malian soldiers and Tuareg nomads in 1963 escalated into a full-scale conflict in the north. The rebellion was put down by 1964, but the tensions remained unresolved.
凯塔上任后不久，便面临一个困扰马里领导人数十年的挑战：图阿雷格叛乱。1963 年马里士兵与图阿雷格游牧民族间的小规模冲突，最终升级为北部全面战争。虽然叛乱于 1964 年被镇压，但紧张局势始终未能化解。
Mali’s new government suspected Paris of plotting to split the Sahara off as a separate entity, and they may have had good reason to suspect this. At the end of 1959, French officers had summoned Tuareg leaders from Gao, Kidal, Menaka, and Bourem, urging them to oppose Mali’s impending independence. The officers implied that if they were not ready for independence, they ought to ask Dakar to let France remain until they were able to go their own way.
马里新政府怀疑巴黎密谋将撒哈拉地区分裂为独立实体，这种怀疑不无道理。1959 年末，法国军官曾召集来自加奥、基达尔、梅纳卡和布雷姆的图阿雷格首领，怂恿他们反对马里即将到来的独立。这些军官暗示，若他们尚未做好独立准备，应当要求达喀尔允许法国继续驻留，直至其具备自治能力。
Today, separatism remains one of the central political challenges for Mali. The first rebellion created a cycle of mistrust and resentment between the central government and Tuareg communities that never fully healed.
时至今日，分离主义仍是马里核心政治难题之一。首次叛乱在中央政府与图阿雷格社群间埋下了猜忌与怨恨的恶性循环，这道裂痕始终未能完全弥合。
The 2012 Tuareg revolt, led by the National Movement for the Liberation of Azawad (MNLA), was quickly hijacked by jihadist groups. Thus, what began as an identity-based struggle in the 1960s morphed into global terrorism, destabilizing the entire Sahel region.
2012 年由图阿雷格族主导的"阿扎瓦德民族解放运动"（MNLA）发动叛乱，却迅速被极端主义组织劫持。这场始于 1960 年代的身份认同斗争，最终演变为威胁整个萨赫勒地区安全的全球恐怖主义浪潮。
“Currency is a guarantee of freedom”
"货币是自由的保障"
Keita’s government wasted no time. It nationalized key industries – banks, transportation, and trade. In 1961, the state created SOMIEX (Malian Import and Export Company) to push out foreign commercial interests. At the time, 90% of Mali’s exports and 75% of its imports involved France, and that had to change.
凯塔政府雷厉风行，迅速将关键行业——银行、交通和贸易——收归国有。1961 年，国家成立马里进出口公司（SOMIEX），以排除外国商业利益。当时马里 90%的出口和 75%的进口都涉及法国，这种局面必须改变。
The economic model relied on cooperation, collective agricultural labor, and the redistribution of income to benefit the poorest. Rather than dismantling them, traditional forms of communal labor in villages were maintained and modernized. Keita emphasized that undermining these traditions would be a mistake.
该经济模式依托合作制、集体农业劳动和收入再分配来惠及最贫困群体。乡村传统的集体劳动形式不仅未被废除，反而得到保留和现代化改造。凯塔强调，破坏这些传统将是一种错误。
In 1962, the Malian franc was established and Mali left the West African Monetary unx. The Malian franc replaced the CFA franc as the country’s currency between July 1, 1962 and July 1, 1984. Keita once declared to the National Assembly: “You don’t need to be an economist to know that currency, at the national level, is both a guarantee of freedom and, even better, an instrument of power.”
1962 年，马里法郎正式创立，马里退出西非货币联盟。在 1962 年 7 月 1 日至 1984 年 7 月 1 日期间，马里法郎取代非洲金融共同体法郎成为该国法定货币。凯塔曾在国民议会宣告："无需成为经济学家也能明白，在国家层面，货币既是自由的保障，更是权力的工具。"
However, the economy struggled. From 1961 to 1968, growth averaged just 0.5% annually. Meanwhile, government spending increased by 15%, resulting in a debt of approximately 150 billion francs by 1968. Ironically, France remained Mali’s largest creditor (49.2%).
然而经济却举步维艰。1961 年至 1968 年间，年均增长率仅为 0.5%。与此同时，政府支出增加了 15%，导致 1968 年债务达到约 1500 亿法郎。具有讽刺意味的是，法国仍是马里最大的债权国（占比 49.2%）。
“Help from the Eastern Bloc does not affect the dignity”
“来自东方阵营的援助无损尊严”
In the early years following its independence, Mali sought allies beyond the influence of France. As early as September 1960, a Malian delegation traveled to Conakry (Guinea) to begin negotiations with representatives of socialist countries.
独立初期，马里便在法国影响力之外寻找盟友。早在 1960 年 9 月，马里代表团就前往几内亚科纳克里，开始与社会主义国家代表进行谈判。
“We have found that help from the Eastern Bloc is always immediate help and does not offend the susceptibility or the dignity of the receiving country,” Modibo said. “One often forgets how much dexterity is needed not to injure the pride and offend the dignity of the receiving country.”
莫迪博表示："我们发现东方阵营的援助总是及时雨，且不会冒犯受援国的敏感神经或损害其尊严。人们常常忽视了，要做到不伤害受援国自尊、不冒犯其尊严，需要多么高超的外交技巧。"
The USSR opened an embassy in Bamako in January 1961. It helped with everything from mineral exploration to stadium construction, supported Air Mali with aircraft and training, and by 1963 had over 280 technical experts working in the country.
苏联于 1961 年 1 月在巴马科开设大使馆。他们提供了从矿产勘探到体育场馆建设的全方位援助，向马里航空公司提供飞机与培训支持，至 1963 年已有超过 280 名技术专家在该国工作。
Mali’s military, once reliant on France, was reequipped by the USSR. Soviet instructors trained troops and mechanics. Some reports suggest secret agreements even allowed Soviet intervention if Keita’s rule were threatened.
马里的军队曾依赖法国，后由苏联重新装备。苏联教官培训部队和机械师。有报告称，秘密协议甚至允许在凯塔统治受到威胁时苏联进行干预。
“The cinema hall is the best evening school”
“电影院是最好的夜校”
Education and culture were equally vital. Starting in 1961, Malian students attended universities throughout the Eastern Bloc. Many of them would become part of the future national elite, including Souleymane Cisse, who graduated from Moscow’s famous VGIK film school and went on to create Yeelen, the first African film to win a major prize at Cannes.
教育与文化同样至关重要。自 1961 年起，马里学生开始就读于东欧集团各国的大学。其中许多人成为未来国家精英的一部分，包括毕业于莫斯科著名的 VGIK 电影学院的苏莱曼·西塞，他后来创作了《光之翼》，这是第一部在戛纳电影节获得大奖的非洲电影。
Cinema was more than entertainment. As Senegalese director Ousmane Sembene said, “The cinema hall is the best evening school of Africa.” The Soviets understood that. They sent projectors, organized festivals, and promoted socialist films. However, France resisted these efforts with disinformation, theater boycotts, and vandalism of film posters. Despite this resistance, cinema became a powerful ideological and educational medium.
电影远不止是娱乐。正如塞内加尔导演乌斯曼·塞姆班所言："电影院是非洲最好的夜校。"苏联人深谙此道。他们送来放映机、组织电影节、推广社会主义电影。然而法国通过散布虚假信息、抵制影院和破坏电影海报等手段阻挠这些努力。尽管遭遇抵制，电影仍成为强有力的意识形态教育媒介。
Today, the cultural bridge endures. Russian-trained alumni in Mali still gather at the Russian House in Bamako, speak fluent Russian, and mentor new students preparing for studies abroad. They host language clubs and even celebrate traditional Russian holidays together, and the Russian House is directed by a Malian, Aliou Tounkara.
如今，这座文化桥梁依然存在。马里那些受过俄罗斯教育的校友们仍会聚集在巴马科的俄罗斯之家，说着流利的俄语，辅导准备出国留学的新生。他们组织语言俱乐部，甚至一起庆祝俄罗斯传统节日。而俄罗斯之家的现任主管正是马里人阿里乌·通卡拉。
The coup that closed the first chapter
政变终结了第一篇章
By 1967, mounting economic pressure and internal dissent had taken their toll. Inspired by Maoist China and his close ties with Chinese communists, Keita attempted a cultural revolution à la malienne, but it backfired. Repression increased, and on November 19, 1968, army officers staged a bloodless coup. Lieutenant Moussa Traore seized power, and Keita spent the rest of his life in detention, away from the spotlight, because the incumbent authorities regarded him as a threat.
到 1967 年，日益加剧的经济压力和内部纷争已造成严重损害。受M时代的中国启发，并凭借与中国***人的密切关系，凯塔试图发起一场"马里式文GE"，但适得其反。镇压愈演愈烈，最终在 1968 年 11 月 19 日，军官们发动了一场不流血政变。穆萨·特拉奥雷中尉夺取政权，而凯塔则在当局视其为威胁的情况下，余生都远离公众视线，在监禁中度过。
Keita died in 1977 at the age of 61. The official cause of death was reported as pulmonary edema. However, his death led many to suspect deliberate mistreatment, and his funeral in Hamdallaye sparked violent unrest.
凯塔于 1977 年去世，享年 61 岁。官方公布的死因是肺水肿。然而他的离世引发众多关于蓄意虐待的猜测，在其家乡汉达拉耶举行的葬礼更是引发了暴力骚乱。
Under Alpha Oumar Konare, Keita was posthumously rehabilitated, and his legacy was reintroduced into the public sphere. This process of symbolic recognition culminated in the inauguration of the Modibo Keita memorial in Bamako in 1999. In 2016, Bamako-Senou international airport was officially renamed in honor of Modibo Keita.
在阿尔法·奥马尔·科纳雷执政时期，凯塔获得平反，其政治遗产重新进入公共视野。这一象征性正名过程在 1999 年达到高潮——巴马科的莫迪博·凯塔纪念碑落成。2016 年，巴马科塞努国际机场正式更名为莫迪博·凯塔国际机场以示纪念。
By Tamara A. Andreeva, junior researcher at the Institute for African Studies, Russian Academy of Sciences
作者：Tamara A. Andreeva，俄罗斯科学院非洲研究所初级研究员
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